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A collection of not-so-common online courses in Computer Science
2020.10.20 14:44 jizaenthapusA collection of not-so-common online courses in Computer Science
2020.10.19 21:16 BollyUKFanA tale of two channels at primetime... note: India Today has hidden its likes & dislikes, and has a mere 400 viewers – versus Republic’s 15,000 viewers and visible likes & dislikes
Comparison of stats at the SAME TIME wrt the title post: https://ibb.co/zQjFvp7 verus https://ibb.co/6474Zj0 Note: this is an informational post, so that people are aware of the forces at work to drown and stop coverage on SSR’s case via the one channel that is relentless in its pursuit for the truth. As we know, Arnab Goswami and Republic Media Network has been the only channel investigating and focusing on SSR’s mysterious death. This is undeniable, whether or not you’re a fan of him or his style of conducting debates. With that said, here is a refresher on a timeline of recent events - from early October to present day - of how Arnab Goswami’s Republic Media Network (RMN) has been systematically attacked, maligned, and tried to be implicated in a false TRP scam: • 08/10: Rahul Kanwal, News director of India Today kickstarted the day, with a tweet to state the channel was leading the ratings war with 40.2% for week 39. https://ibb.co/LvFdCqK • 08/10: RMN then rebutted with legitimate stats courtesy of ratings agency BARC – which showed that Republic TV led the top spot with the lion’s market share of 44.15% and 59.32% for all-day viewings and primetime debates, respectively. https://ibb.co/L9wdCM5 • 08/10: The above factual data didn’t do much to deter Rahul Kanwal, who proceeded to tweet that “Commissioner reveals Republic TV was paying households with BARC India metres to keep [the channel] turned on at home.” https://ibb.co/H29Y4XZ • 08/10: Rajdeep Sardesai, anchor at India Today’s Hindi sister channel Aaj Tak joined the chorus; claiming the same as colleague Rahul Kanwal, while adding words like “criminal proceeds”. • 08/10: Live Law soon tweeted that Commissioner Police of Mumbai Param Bir Singh had conducted a press conference naming RMN. Ironically, and important to note, reporters from RMN were denied entry to the press con. • 08/10: RMN immediately released a firm statement, stating the “false allegations” against it. https://ibb.co/mCFNsCx • 8/10: Twitter responded to show the strength and extent of its support for RMN; with the four top trending # being on the topic https://ibb.co/jz94gP6 • 08/10: Live on AG’s debate, he revealed the contents of the FIR filed on 06/10 – it named the very India Today that sought out a vendetta on the channel from earlier in the day, detailing that it had paid people to watch its show, in a bid to manipulate TV viewership. https://ibb.co/8rwnpG0 • 08/10: Again, these legal facts didn’t deter India Today. An editor at the channel called the FIR “fake papers”, while propagating a notice written by the Mumbai Police team (on Param Bir Singh’s orders) and naming Republic as the “real one.” She also locked her comments, to prevent Twitter users from commenting the truth. All pretty shady. https://ibb.co/WtxXJdn • 09/10: India Today backtracked somewhat, and admitted it had been fined by BARC but alleged the action was without any “concrete evidence”. Quickest 180 from the previous day. They also stated they’d take legal action against BARC for leaking “confidential” matters. Ironic how the channel didn’t deem attacking Republic... a “confidential” matter. • 09/10: RMN released an audio clip from the previous night, wherein a female witness called Tejal Solanki implicated India Today in the TRP scam; stating her son was asked to watch the channel. The latter then interviewed her too, showing a manipulated tale of accounts. Meanwhile, RMN released footage of Mumbai Police guarding Tejal Solanki’s home, while allegedly not allowing other media persons to talk to her. • 09/10: Continuing its vendetta, Mumbai Police summoned Republic TV’s CFO, following a summons to its consulting editor Pradeep Bhandari for his relentless and extensive coverage and reporting of SSR’s case. • 10/10: RMN’s CFO then moved the Delhi Supreme Court, challenging the summons issued to him and the news network’s employees. He wrote a letter to Mumbai Police, informing them of the same and urging them to hold off on investigations until the SC had heard the case first. https://ibb.co/xYw6RhC • 10/10: RMN got ahold of the seven-page Hansa Research Group complaint wrt the TRP scam, on which the FIR was based on. It explicitly named India Today, not RMN. https://ibb.co/8mqpHv1 • 11/10: Mumbai Polices questioned RMN’s CEO, COO, and a senior officer of the distribution team for 20 hours(!); with questioning focused on how the channel obtained the Hansa report • 13/10: Mumbai Police summoned RMN’s Executive Editor and Senior Executive Editor, which they both complied by the next day • 15/10: BARC announced it was suspending publishing weekly ratings data, as they review their system. • 15/10: The SC asked RMN to approach the Bombay High Court, as it is closer to the channel’s Worli office and stating people must have faith in the lower courts. However, Justice Chandrachud noted: “We are concerned of this observation that as of late, Commissioners have the tendency of giving interviews” in reference to Param Bir Singh. • 15/10: Sources in Mumbai Police had told AG that a senior police officer, Deputy CP Nandkumar Thakur, had informally told some print reporters that there was no evidence against Republic in the case. CP Param Bir Singh scolded him and transferred him to a traffic department. • 16/10 - 17/10: RMN had no choice but to disclose confidential email exchanges between the channel’s and BARC’s CEOs. The latter, while stressing their code of conduct deemed the issue private, reiterated that Republic was not implicated in the case. The disclosure obviously did not sit well with BARC which issued a statement relaying the same (and essentially Republic’s innocence). https://ibb.co/TY28p0x • 17/10: Goa Chronicle Editor-in-chief Savio Rodriguez revealed that intelligence sources had told him of a Dawood-sponsored agenda to target Republic “legally, economically, and mentally”, as a means to stop them from focusing on Sushant Singh Rajput’s case (nice to sometimes write his name out fully, and not reduce him to “SSR”). https://ibb.co/27JPXx7https://ibb.co/wp57tvD • 19/10: on the previous day, Republic stung Congress leader Raghvendra Shukla, who revealed that Uddhav Thackeray had instructed a team of people to work (including an IPS officer aka Param Bir Singh) on getting the channel “banned” and AG “arrested”. He also admitted the TRP scam was the first of troubles aimed their way. • 19/10: The Bombay HC noted that Arnab Goswami is NOT an accused in the TRP scam. https://ibb.co/cNF0k0M • 19/10: AG announced that RMN is suing Param Bir Singh Rs 200 crores for “criminal defamation”. https://twitter.com/republic/status/1318162401577951235?s=21 If I have left anything out, please let me know!
2020.10.19 15:37 garhwalinaunaDon't know where I stand!! University shortlisting needed
Need University suggestions for MS in Data Science. B.Sc. Maths, Hindu College, 89% M.Sc. Maths, IIT Bombay, 6.01 GPA GRE: 329, 170Q, 159V, 4 AWA. TOEFL: 110 3 internships: (2 on Data Analytics) from ISI Bengaluru, IIM Lucknow & a micro-finance company Work Ex: 3 years in a financial company (Analytics Manager) Universities shortlisted: Ambitious: Columbia, Northwestern, GaTech, NYU. Safe: Northeastern, UT Dallas. Some I had in mind: Penn State, Indiana Bloomington. Need help with some safe & moderate options. Thanks! For the uninitiated, my colleges & internships are from some of the top colleges in India. (not bragging)
Timestamp Hello all, I have some artisans available for sale/trade. Mainly looking to trade for items on my wishlist or blue artisans but I'm up for any offers. Let me know if you need better pictures of anything. Please comment before PM, whether Discord or Reddit.
2020.10.11 22:03 docamyamesLooking for a new subscription box
Looking to pick the brains of all you beautiful people! I recently cancelled Causebox because they had the Grace an Stella serum and CS couldn’t tell me why they picked that brand and how it aligned with their company MO. Then my bathrobe-shrunk - the directions say medium water and tumble dry. The directions Causebox sent later were much different. I guess i wouldn’t have cared if the directions from Causebox CS weren’t so different. I really like cUsebox market and I’m sad to see that go. I then cancelled FFF. The data breaches, the shipping delays, the wrong descriptions in the sales, and changing sale prices during sales were the last straw. And then all the freaking sales. Doesn’t feel special anymore. The products seem cheap. I’m sad to see this go as I’ve been subscribed since winter 2017. I then cancelled Ipsy plus because i now have so much skincare and makeup. I still have the basic bag because I’ve been subscribed since 2015 and it’s a nostalgia thing for me. Now for the question! I’m looking for a new subscription that is more lifestyle orientated and more geared to sustainable issues like Causebox. I’m thinking of either Bombay and cedar, Women’s collective or Globe in. Anyone subscribed to the above and what do you like about it?? Anyone else cancelled FFF, Causebox or Ipsy? And if so, did you replace with it anything else?
Timestamp Hello all, I have some artisans available for sale/trade. Mainly looking to trade for items on my wishlist or blue artisans but I'm up for any offers. Let me know if you need better pictures of anything. Please comment before PM, whether Discord or Reddit.
Hello Investing gurus, Over the years, I had invested in VEDL, which is an ADR (American Depository) listed in NYSE. The company is an Indian company (Vedanta, listed on the Bombay Stock Exchange) that is in the process of getting delisted and they have started the Reverse Book Building process today. I'm trying to understand the implications of the delisting for VEDL listed on NYSE and the options I have. I'm based in US and don't have a trading / Demat account in India. Information for Vedanta ADS/ADS delisting process is scanty, though, while doing some digging, I did find section 20-21.13 in their SEC filing. Honestly, the parlance isn't the easiest to understand, and I'm wondering if someone who speaks that SEC dialect or has interest in VEDL has an ELI5 version.
Timestamp Hello all, I have some artisans available for sale/trade. Mainly looking to trade for items on my wishlist or blue artisans but I'm up for any offers. Let me know if you need better pictures of anything. Please comment before PM, whether Discord or Reddit.
2020.10.03 07:09 vtrender102How Can Market Profile Experts Handle Your Stock Market Issues At Ease?
The financial exchange is a hazardous game. It is critical to get; however, much data as could be expected before bouncing into it. Yet, this doesn't imply that any unique sort of ability or capacity is needed to put resources into the Market Profile. Anybody can attempt to realize what the offers are and can get data about the financial exchange. The securities exchange is an unpredictable framework, where portions of traded on open market organizations are given, purchased and sold. A large portion of the business in India is done on the Bombay Stock Exchange (BSE) and the National Stock Exchange (NSE). It is critical to comprehend the market profile that the particulars of the financial exchange before wandering into this intricate framework, particularly for fledgling speculators. The financial exchange is comprised of a many Market Profile Trading Strategies with differing sees. At the point when a speculator sells his stock, another person may wish to get it. It is an ominous framework, where one will profit, and the other will lose. Hence, it gets compulsory for anybody to turn out to be very much aware of the securities exchange before contributing. One can say hopefully that an excess of change, or unpredictability, builds the odds of improving returns. Nonetheless, unpredictability happens when there is vulnerability in the market. This could be because of a circumstance like Covid-19, distinction inflexibly and request, or catastrophic event, and so forth. Moreover, if dealers dwarf purchasers, share costs will fall and the other way around. market profile The real cost of an offer is controlled by market movement and in this situation; one should plan Market Profile Trading strategies as per the trend. When concluding whether to purchase or sell a stock, the financial specialist will frequently think about the real cost of the stock with its reasonable worth. Except if one is enamored with hazard, one ought to abstain from placing excess of cash in one offer. In the financial exchange, when a speculator sells shares; yet neglects to convey on schedule, a similar strategy for unloading similar offers to sell the stock conveyance commitment of the speculator according to the working methodology of the trade goes. In this cycle, an equivalent number of offers are purchased by the intermediary at the current market cost and the weight of its value differential is charged to the financial specialist. The purpose behind this is that speculator sold them without having any offers with him. We had recently talked about short deals. In that as well, a speculator undercutting deals is needed to purchase and convey the offers at market cost, yet when a financial specialist doesn't do so intentionally, under the standards of the market, the stock trade will essentially discard the arrangement through the sale. The most significant advantage of putting resources according to Market Profile Trading Strategies into the Share Market is the chance of expanding venture. The stock costs of an organization recorded on the Stock Exchange rise and fall consistently. However, if we stay contributed for quite a while, we can see our reserve esteem expanding extensively. Putting resources into notable and stable development organizations is consistently productive. Putting resources into various stocks will assist you with exploiting development in different parts of the monetary framework. Rising costs in the financial exchange are the most compelling motivation for putting resources into the financial exchange, which benefits speculators. It is very much needed to get a full understanding of Market Profile and the parts of putting resources into the securities exchange and keep awake to date by getting the most recent data here. The first to get the correct data can live here gaining. Contributing based on bits of gossip, wrong tips and some other sort of deception can be unsafe. If the organization doesn't give great outcomes or shows less development than market desires, at that point, its offer cost in the market and may likewise diminish the market profile. What's to come is consistently questionable, and a financial specialist may likewise need to confront this vulnerability. For the time being, the market works based on suppositions. It might be that helpless stocks additionally begin doing admirably in the blast stage, and great stocks may likewise turn down in the downturn. Sometimes, due to the cost of any offer, ordinarily arrives at its correct level as per the exhibition of the organization.
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Services: SEO, SMO, PPC, web designing, online media buying, link building. 7.Briefkase Briefkase is a Mumbai based digital marketing agency with an exceptional track record of working with multitude of renowned brands since they were founded in 2013. Over a short period of time, they have established themselves as an efficient full service digital marketing company. They have successfully completed projects allotted by brands such as TATA Engage, IIT Bombay, DHL Express, PVR cinemas, Nestle. Services: SEO, PPC services, search Adwords, Display Advertising, SMO, web design and development, videography and photography. Website: www.briefkase.in 8.Bruce Clay India Pvt. Ltd Bruce Clay Inc. is a global digital marketing company providing complete digital marketing service in India as well as overseas. 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It was in this context of general ‘prosperity’, between roughly 1985 and 1992, that the Hindutva organisations undertook an incredibly rapid mass expansion. In 1984, the Sangh Parivar was still a relatively marginal entity, riding on the dying halo of the JP movement. By 1992, it could stake a credible claim to being India’s largest organised political force (7), and the spectre of fascism was haunting the country. Such an extraordinary growth is unmatched by any other political force in independent India’s history. In itself, this historical conjuncture should make one doubt theories that seek to explain Hindutva as a “distraction” from the “distress” of the working class. Nor is it a response to a crisis of capitalism, as is sometimes argued by analogy with theories of classical European fascism. On the face of it, the economic evidence shows neither crisis nor an absolute increase in distress among the poor or the working class. Indeed, it shows the opposite. The rise of the Sangh hence cannot be reduced to, or simply read off from, the prevailing economic circumstances. Such an explanation however requires a shift in emphasis from analyses of Hindutva as a predominantlycultural-ideological phenomenon, which has been the most common approach taken by its opponents. Such analyses focus on the ideological aspects of “Hindu nationalism”, approaching it by asking questions regarding the appeal of such reactionary chauvinism in this political conjuncture. This helps analyse the mass appeal of Hindutva, and also provides ammunition to counter its propaganda and hate politics. But it does not necessarily completely explain the actual growth of the Sangh Parivar. The Sangh Parivar is not merely a vehicle of Hindu chauvinism – it is the most successful political organisation in India today. Its expansion has been the result of conscious political action, not merely automatic or unconscious cultural propagation. Indeed, the Parivar is an excellent example of a “totalitarian party”, in the Gramscian sense explored above. The growth of Hindutva is inseparable from the growth of the Parivar as an organisation. From this angle, the Sangh has to be analysed as a party. It is necessary to look the manner in which the Parivar translates the dominant class interests that it projects into “universal” interests of other social sectors. This question turns also crucially on the manner in which the Sangh organises itself, for it is through such operations – as argued below – that it projects its actions as a response to social contradictions. This approach neither replaces nor negates the importance of deconstructing the hate politics of Hindutva; rather, it aims to complement it. The Appeal of the Sangh Parivar to Dominant Class Interests From the days of the Jan Sangh until the early 1980s, the Sangh Parivar had a relatively clearly defined mass base. The Jan Sangh, and then the BJP, was described as the “brahmin-baniya party”, with little following in rural areas and an inability to capture either the support of urban elites or the working class. Its party positions were a fairly direct reflection of the class position of its supporters, mainly members of the trading class. It favoured external protectionism and internal trade liberalisation, reflecting its members’ interests in unfettered access to domestic markets combined with restrictions on international competition. It opposed trade unions and workers’ struggles and promoted reactionary and jingoistic nationalism. In this sense it was indeed a “petty bourgeois” party in the usual sense. Outside the party, the Sangh Parivar had established most of its current front organisations by the early 1960s, but they remained small. The Parivar underwent its first wave of post independence growth, both in membership and in stature, during the JP movement, sharing in the popular anti-Emergency sentiment. But it was only in the 1980s that it truly emerged to become a major political force among the country’s elite and big capital. Simultaneously, and primarily through the Ayodhya movement, it grew into a huge mass force. At this time, there were some obvious benefits to capital in supporting Hindutva mobilisation. Many of these have already been discussed extensively in the literature. Ideologically, Hindutva was an antidote to the “subaltern” mobilisations of Mandal and the regional parties. It delegitimised class and caste struggle and instead promoted notions of “harmony.” It is in this sense that Corbridge and Harriss (2000) have identified Hindutva as an “elite revolt” against the other mobilisations. However, there is arguably a further element in the appeal that the Sangh Parivar enjoyed among the ruling class bloc – one which was specifically important in this time. The other movements of the time projected a politics of “communities” competing for state resources and control of the state machinery. Such politics had the effect, at the national level, of further contesting and undermining any effort at individualisation in the Indian polity. It explicitly foregrounded the notion that the polity of the country was a fractured one, built not around identical monads finding their unity in the state, but on contesting, frequently internally divided communities. In this manner it was indeed a class contestation – though a partial and contradictory one – rooted in the particular positions of petty commodity producers. This was not a threat to Indian capital as such. As said earlier, individualisation has been a contested process throughout India’s recent history, and moreover petty commodity production – and the ideological systems associated with it – is a fundamental feature of Indian capitalism. Yet, it is arguable that the particular type of contestation witnessed in the 1980s was seen as a challenge. It was during this period, particularly the second half of the decade, that big capital in India had begun to push for opportunities to expand into new markets. The “reforms” of the mid 1980s served precisely this purpose. But, the contestation of individualisation embodied in the other movements of this decade threatened the coherence of the national state, whose active intervention was increasingly vital for such “reforms.” Indeed, these movements demanded precisely the kind of state action that capital increasingly found anathema – increased segmentation of markets, dictation of state spending by democratic politics and state interference in decisions by private capitalists. Finally, expansion by capital in this period also depended on cultural-ideological factors such as a common understanding of unified markets and commodity exchange in rural areas. This was an understanding that was lacking at the time (Rajagopal 1999), and was directly threatened by the promotion of community identities. It is in this context that a much deeper appeal of Hindutva becomes apparent. To see this, let us examine some of the internal elements of Hindutva ideology, and in particular its approach to its own cadre and supporters. This approach is in no sense limited to merely anti-minority hate politics. Rather, it contains a very specific concept of the relationship between individual, society and state, an approach that is of particular interest in light of the prevailing political situation. Some of the key elements of this are as follows:
Reduction of social processes to individual choice: Like most organicist ideologies (and in a strong parallel to Gandhianism), Hindutva reduces social developments to questions of individual choice. Thus the Parivar aims to solve Hindu society’s problems by inculcating ‘correct values’ in upper caste men, as exemplified by M.S. Golwalkar’s declaration that “there is a ‘crisis of character’ in our country”; social problems are due to individuals’ “demoniac ways” (Golwalkar 1979). Other Sangh Parivar leaders have made countless similar statements. The remaking of society depends on whether every person can be made a “good Hindu.” What is a good Hindu is, in turn, defined by the Sangh.
The state exists only as the expression and guarantor of a collectivity founded around a transcendent principle: The ideal state is the guarantor of the Hindu rashtra, a “nation” that exists as an organic and harmonious unity between “Hindus.” The concept of “Hindu” here is linked on the one hand to the normative notion of the “good Hindu” discussed above, and on the other to the Sangh itself (see below). The Hindu nation is defined by the principles that it claims to adhere to. As Deendayal Upadhyaya (1979) once put it, “the state is brought into existence to protect the nation, and to maintain conditions in which the ideals of the nation can be translated into reality.” These ideals constitute the nation’s “soul”, and the “laws that help manifest [this soul] are termed dharma.” “A state cannot be without dharma nor can it be indifferent to dharma, just as fire cannot be without heat” (Upadhyaya 1979).
Divisions within this collectivity are unnecessary and pathological; the only division that is of importance is the line between “society” and its Other, the foreigner. All divisions “within” society are the work of malignant outsiders or foreigners, aimed at breaking up the unity and harmony of the Hindu nation. Thus D.B. Thengadi once claimed that “in our system… [social sectors] form an infinite spiral with no inner conflicts and no tensions” (Thengadi 1979). Sangh leaders frequently draw analogies between society and the ‘harmony’ of the human body (see e.g. Golwalkar 1979). As for those outside this nation, some of them are inferiors in need of education. As Golwalkar (1979) said, the RSS must “discourage people pursuing demoniac ways…[and inspire them] to develop their divine nature.” This includes those too “ignorant” to understand their role in Hindu society, a description that is applied particularly to adivasis. But in case education does not work, Golwalkar continues, “we may have to use sanctions of force also in our endeavour.” ‘Outsiders’ thus have a clear choice: they can swear allegiance to Hindutva and join ‘society’, or they can retain their beliefs, thereby confirming their ‘foreignness’ and making them fit for destruction.
It is the Sangh that both constitutes and represents the Hindu nation. The Sangh is not merely an organisation of Hindus – it is the Hindu nation itself. As a Marathi textbook for ekal vidyalaya teachers puts it (9): “The aim of the Sangh is to organise the entire Hindu society, and not just to have a Hindu organisation within the ambit of this society. Had it been the latter, then the Sangh too would have added one more number to the already existing thousands of creeds. Though started as an institution, the aim of the Sangh is to expand so extensively that each and every individual and traditional social institutions like family, caste, profession, educational and religious institutions etc., are all to be ultimately engulfed into its system. The goal before the Sangh is to have an organised Hindu society in which all its constituents and institutions function in harmony and co-ordination, just as in the body organs”.
I have gone into these principles in some detail for two reasons. Firstly, there are strong resonances between these principles and neoliberalism, which will be discussed later. Secondly, and more importantly, there is a striking similarity between these tenets and the individualisation process that Poulantzas outlines as one of the functions of the capitalist state. Hindutva, like most authoritarian ideologies, is as much about the production of an essentialised individuality as it is about a totalising notion of the state/community. Hindutva projects a vision of individuals as a collection of monads – “good Hindus” – with nothing to distinguish the one from the other, or to connect the one to the other, except a single legitimate collectivity: the Sangh. This is explicitly a normative vision, not a descriptive one. Such a society is the ideal, and it will be the effort of the Sangh to achieve it. In this sense, Hindutva’s understanding of the ideal society is in fact precisely the capitalist state’s vision – reified to a level that it becomes unrecognisable within the parameters of bourgeois democracy. And it was precisely at this level that the Hindutva ideological project was fundamentally opposed to the ideological bases of the other movements of the 1980s. It is arguable that Indian capital endorsed Hindutva because, as a hegemonic project, it directly sought the breaking down of the collectivities that the 1980s’ movements had made the central feature of Indian politics. Such collectivities had become an increasing obstacle to the upholding of commodity relations as the organising principle of capitalist society. It was this that translated into the vocal elite endorsement of the Sangh Parivar as a “nationalist” organisation, one pitted against “sectional” and “vested” interests. Most striking of all was the description of the Ayodhya movement as the creator of a “modern India” (Rajagopal 2001, BJP 1991). Indeed, contrary to much of the analysis of Hindutva as a “reaction” against “modernity”, the Sangh and its cohorts have always been very clear that – in their vision – it is Hindutva itself that promotes “modernity” in India. And from the viewpoint of capital, this was correct, for it would indeed help to create that truly “modern” vision: an ideologically individualist society. The Ayodhya Movement and Hindutva’s Mass Base Yet, while this argument may help explain the dominant interests being expressed by the project of Hindutva, we are still left with the question of how this project became hegemonic – or, more crudely, how it succeeded in building a mass base. For that, a closer examination of the Ayodhya movement is necessary. There is no precise data on the nature of mass participation in the Ayodhya movement, but from available information it appears that its strongest bases were in urban areas, among the urban poor, and in small towns. Urban peripheries also saw strong participation, as well as some rural areas in Uttar Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh. However, it does not seem to have enjoyed a strong base in most rural areas. The organised working class in many urban areas supported the movement but were not active participants or leaders. Geographically the movement was most active in Maharashtra, Gujarat and the Hindi-speaking States, though it had support elsewhere as well. Even this vague mapping throws up an interesting hypothesis: it appears that the Ayodhya movement mobilised precisely the social sectors that did not fully participate in the other 1980s’ movements. But these sectors also included large numbers of petty commodity producers, particularly in the case of the urban poor. At this time of an increasing shift in favour of large capital, such persons were subject to the same intensifying reproduction squeeze as all other petty commodity producers. Further, they now included in their ranks the increasing numbers of those who lost formal employment as part of the first waves of liberalisation-induced deindustrialisation. At the time this was a geographically specific phenomenon, but one particularly striking example is the textile mills of Bombay and Ahmedabad – many of whose workers, at least in the case of Ahmedabad, subsequently became rabid supporters of the Sangh. Yet, despite the fact that their circumstances were similar to those of the mass base of most of the 1980s’ movements, these social sectors lacked political formations that could represent their demands in a time of increasing insecurity. One can hypothesise that two reasons fed into this vacuum. First, no corresponding social element to the “rich farmer” groups, which played the leading role elsewhere, existed in many of these contexts. Second, the state’s role was also far more complex and indirect, particularly in urban areas. The populist articulation of a shared “community”, led by large producers but with shared demands on the state, could hence not be formed. Producers were instead fragmented, directly facing the pressures of class differentiation and proletarianisation. Moreover, as the 1980s wore on, the inability of the other 1980s’ movements to produce results for most of their members led increasingly to disillusionment even in areas where such movements were strong. It is indeed true that these social sectors faced a crisis; but it was apolitical crisis, not an economic one. Building Mass Support It is in this context that the Hindutva organisations undertook their mass expansion drive. Until this period, the Sangh had focused largely on cadre building and indoctrination as its main method of organisation. Such organising built a core of dedicated cadres with a large geographical reach, but could not undertake mass expansion, especially outside the caste and class lines that defined the traditional strongholds of the Parivar’s organisations. In the early part of the decade, the organisation undertook a series of changes. In particular, the RSS chose to foreground the VHP – and, later in the decade, the BJP – as the frontline Sangh Parivar organisations. Having been “relaunched” between 1979 and 1981, the VHP began a rapid expansion around 1984 (Jaffrelot 1999). The organisation led a series of mobilisations around the conversion of Dalits to Islam in Meenakshipuram (Tamil Nadu), the Shah Bano case, and the “Ekatmata Yatras.” Mobilisation now began to revolve around temple-building, social service and the yatras, with the last becoming the primary mode of mass action. As Rajagopal (2001) puts it, “there was a shift away from sectarian view of organising, with indoctrination as its aim and daily drill as its chief method, to a far more pragmatic approach that emphasised mobilisation over indoctrination, and political effect over organisational discipline.” These new modes of organising had a very different impact from the old. They rested on offering various “gains” that corresponded to different contradictions facing different sectors. Unlike the other 1980s’ movements, however, these “gains” were not about state support or political patronage. Instead, they were specifically geared towards concrete, immediate benefits and responses to the contradictions faced by these social sectors at the time. Some examples are as follows. For adivasis in Madhya Pradesh – a community largely lacking in political organisation but nonetheless increasingly commoditised – the Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram offered direct access to hostels, schools, medical centres, etc. (and later became the nucleus of a more formal system of recruitment described in the last section). More than eight hundred schools were opened by the VHP in 1983 alone, mostly in tribal areas. Between 1978 to 1983, the number of full time activists in the VKA increased by six times, with most of their activities concerned with “service” (Jaffrelot 1999). Similar tactics were used with Dalits. Thus in the early 1980s, the VHP came out with a plan to build 100 temples in SC areas of Tamil Nadu (ibid.). Such temple building was to be a standard tactic throughout the decade, providing a way to channel funds into target areas and offering both employment and charity. In addition, for adivasis and Dalits specific economic contradictions with minorities were frequently exploited. One Ghaziabad riot in 1990, for instance, was triggered by the VHP essentially utilising a balmiki leader’s tensions with Muslims over land in the outskirts of the town, the area to which both had been banished by caste Hindu pressures (Basu 1996). Meanwhile, on the other side of the caste spectrum, the urban upper caste youth who formed a significant proportion of the “shock troops” of the Parivar gained both employment/financial support and the ability to implicitly target the OBC mobilisation that threatened their access to state employment (Jaffrelot 1999, Basu 1996). In addition to these direct material gains, the Sangh movement also offered a more intangible – but arguably still material – gain by creating new public spaces that were accessible to traditionally marginalised sectors. The movement offered access to higher steps on the social hierarchy by simultaneously aiming to retain its high caste character and “respectability” while allowing entry to those earlier excluded. This strategy was applied to various social sectors. Thus Dalits were specifically wooed by the VHP in the early 1980s; many of the new temples were specifically designed as public eating spaces for cross-caste meals. Dalits were also made carriers of the “holy water” in the Ekatmata Yatras (Jaffrelot 1999), and more generally both Dalits and lower castes were allowed access to ritual spaces traditionally denied to them (Rajagopal 2001). For women, as is attested by a large body of literature on the gender aspects of Hindutva (11), such access to new spaces and possibilities of political action was perhaps the biggest attraction of the movement. The Sangh offered a “safe” avenue of political action that permitted women, particularly women of lower middle class households, to participate in politics without facing family opposition. Moreover it sometimes even raised, in a conservative and reactionary manner, issues such as sexual harassment and pornography (Basu 2001). Such access to space leads both to a sense of psychological empowerment and also to more immediate gains, through membership in a privileged group including economically wealthy and powerful individuals. The VHP and VKA’s networks in Madhya Pradesh, for instance, were largely funded by local wealthy traders and former royal families. This was later added to by increasing donations from urban elites and from NRI’s, who soon became a key funding source for the movement. The enormous amount of money that poured into the movement from such sources allowed them to offer both direct and indirect benefits to those who participated. Soon the VHP came to be known, in the RSS hierarchy, as the organisation aimed at the middle castes, the urban lower middle class, and similar social sectors of the kind described above. Finally, during the latter half of this phase, access to these political spaces also meant participation in violence – and the financial, personal and psychological gains that follow on the use of violence against minority communities has been amply documented. Given the tilt of the state machinery towards the Hindutva organisations, such violence also often could be engaged in with impunity. The Material-Ideological “Bargain” In this sense, the movement offered both enhanced security and the prospect of social mobility. The ability to make these offers was crucially linked to the support given to the movement by capital, the state and the upper castes. None of these advantages could be offered by the other 1980s’ movements, who did not enjoy such support. But this was an offer that came with a bargain. The gains on offer accrued not to the class or the community, but to the individual, and the person had to self-constitute themselves as an individual by abandoning all other markers of identity. As seen above, acceptance of Hindutva ideology and organisational methods brought this as its strongest implication. Thus Dalits and adivasis were explicitly or implicitly forbidden to raise issues of discrimination against their communities. The Sangh women’s organisations neither permitted nor encouraged raising of issues of women’s rights (Sarkar 2001). In the present day, teachers in the Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram’s ekal vidyalaya schools are asked to renounce any party affiliation, any caste identity and any commitment to any “sectional interest” other than that of “Bharat” (see below and Gopalakrishnan and Sreenivasa 2007 for more details). In short, supporters and – at a much more intense level – cadres of the movement were required to discard all identities except their standing as an individual, “good Hindu.” The Commodification of Politics Such methods of individualisation were then reinforced by wider discursive tactics of the movement itself. Rajagopal (1999) has argued that one of the key innovations of the Sangh Parivar in the 1980s was the conscious use of political marketing, the re-constitution of political action as consumption. The decision to utilise yatras as the most visible mobilisation vehicle was central to this strategy, and this was combined with the mass marketing of items like stickers, tridents, clothes and pictures. Available statistics show striking evidence of this. Jaffrelot (1999) notes how, in three days of the Ekatmata Yatra in 1983, 6,000 images of Bharat Mata and more than 70,000 bottles of “holy water” were sold. The Ram Shilanyas in 1989 was performed with the use of bricks sent by villages across the country, and involved a cash contribution of Rs. 1.25 by every individual who joined the ceremonies around the bricks. According to the VHP’s statistics, more than 83 million rupees were collected. The yatras themselves became giant symbolic exercises, advertising the chosen few symbols of the movement (Ram; the trident; the colour saffron; the bricks) in a kind of mass cultural outpouring. Political action in India has been historically associated with charismatic leadership, or at most with traditional party membership (as in the Communist organisations). The Ayodhya movement instead promoted a kind offetishisation of such political relationships and of political action itself, converting one’s relationship with a physical object or a symbol into the essence of one’s relationship with the movement. Purchasing a sticker or a flag became a method of participating; participating in pujas for bricks and images was a mode of political mobilisation. The use of symbols in this manner functioned synergistically with the expansion of corporate advertising and marketing into rural India, as both converged on the importance of the “brand” as a basis of action (Rajagopal 1999). The Hindutva movement explicitly tried to convert their politics into a “brand” – and endorsement of that brand through purchase, exhibition or worship constituted the act of political support for the movement. But what is a brand other than a reification of the commodity concept itself? In this way, the Ayodhya movement operated through a discourse of commoditisation of politics. Political action was integrated withconsumption. This analysis is not meant to claim that hate politics and Hindu chauvinism were irrelevant to the Hindutva mobilisation. They were no doubt the cultural categories and political tropes that formed the substance of the ideology. But the importance of the “Hindu community” was not a result of invocation of religious identity alone. Rather, this exploration postulates that it built on a partial satisfaction of the material-ideological needs of its cadre and its base – while simultaneously converting those needs into a driving force for individualisation and the restructuring of social relations in favour of capital. This partial coordination of interests between capital and large sections of petty commodity producers then becomes a dialectical part of the sense of “identity” of those involved. Hindu “identity” was thus politically reconstructed to mean individualised support for the movement, membership in its organisations and participation in its violence. In this sense, the movement was as much about rebuilding “Hindu” society as it was about targeting minorities.
The Entry of Neoliberalism
The remainder of this paper concerns the Indian polity after the start of reforms in 1991, with the rise to total dominance of the neoliberal project in India. To evaluate the relationship between neoliberalism and Hindutva in this context, we have first to evaluate Indian neoliberalism itself, both as an economic phenomenon and as a political project. There are in a sense two sides to Indian neoliberalism. On the one hand, the glaring triumph of neoliberal policies and their endorsement by practically all major political parties across the political spectrum indicates the strength of neoliberal ideology as a shaping force of state action in the country. This is the analysis that most of us on the left share, and it reflects the massive defeats inflicted on the left in the last two decades. But at the same time, Indian neoliberalism has some peculiar weaknesses. One such weakness is reflected in the policy trajectory that neoliberalism has taken in India. In the first decade, the primary focus was on regulatory liberalisation, trade liberalisation, capital account liberalisation and state rollback – namely the “classical” neoliberal model followed in most nations. But such reforms, essentially aimed at strengthening the power of finance capital, ran into growing obstacles. Those that remained confined to finance and industrial spheres, such as capital account liberalisation, went ahead with relatively fewer hitches. Others that were essentially reallocation of resources within the state, such as budget cuts, also have proceeded rapidly. But those that directly affected petty commodity producers, or the small number of capitalist producers in the agricultural sector – such as food subsidies, the public procurement and distribution system, or complete import liberalisation – have been partly or completely blocked. The PDS has been converted into the “targeted PDS” and thus severely maimed, but it has not been dismantled. Similarly tariff cuts have greatly harmed agricultural producers, but they have not been as total as they were in many other parts of the world. It is arguable that this weakness reflects the nature of Indian capitalism and the continuing relationship between Indian capital and petty commodity producers. The existence of petty commodity producers is simultaneously a requirement for and a fetter on Indian capitalism, both as a result of democratic politics and through its material relationship with capital. Indeed, the vast majority of production in India, even that in the so-called organised sector, involves some degree of involvement of petty commodity producers. In this sense, incidentally, the neoliberal emphasis on informalisation and “outsourcing” is hardly new to Indian capitalism. Hence, neoliberalism has required a recalibration in India. This recalibration has become increasingly apparent in the last seven or eight years. In this period, the major new initiatives in Indian neoliberalism have been in the area of what David Harvey (2003) described as “accumulation by dispossession” (or “accumulation by encroachment”, to refer to Prabhat Patnaik’s (2005) slightly more accurate description of events in India). These include liberalisation of mining, the accelerated growth in infrastructure sectors, privatisation of natural resources, and the creation of Special Economic Zones. Also in this category are the brutal judiciary-driven assaults on forest dwellers, urban workers and urban petty traders/producers. As is argued by the theory of accumulation by dispossession, these initiatives are aimed at directly expropriating petty commodity producers (as well as subsistence producers, in a few contexts) rather than eliminating them through market forces. By forcibly stripping these producers of their means of production, they result in mass proletarianisation and super-accumulation for the beneficiary capitals. Unlike the blocked “reforms”, however, such moves towards accumulation by dispossession are unlikely to lead to the elimination of most, or even a significant portion, of petty commodity producers. They still only affect a relatively small number of producers as compared to the Indian economy as a whole. Rather than an effort at destroying petty commodity production, they can more accurately be seen as the most visible vanguard of a drive for intensified extraction of surplus from the latter – a drive whose most widespread manifestation is the crisis of reproduction in agriculture. This crisis, while also accelerating proletarianisation among the poor peasantry, is impacting producers in direct proportion to the degree of their commoditisation – meaning that the so-called “middle peasantry”, who were simultaneously the most vulnerable and the most commoditised, are being hit the hardest. Thus, whereas petty commodity production cannot be totally eliminated, it can be more intensely subjugated and made more vulnerable to intensified extraction. Under neoliberalism, Indian capitalism has proven to prefer a more shrunken, dominated space for petty commodity production than in the earlier model. This intensified extraction is in turn made possible by the shift in capital accumulation towards larger producers and the organised sector. It is in this context that the political project of neoliberalism has developed. Indian Neoliberalism as a Political Project The failure to implement the “typical” package of neoliberal reforms in India is only one facet of Indian neoliberalism’s weakness. The other becomes immediately apparent if we compare India to Thatcherite Britain, Reagan’s America, or the Latin American dictatorships. In India, neoliberalism is not a mass political project. No political party or organised political force (such as the army in Latin America) has adopted neoliberalism as such as a part of its ideology. To this day, with the very significant exception of Gujarat (to which we will return), no political party has won elections with anything resembling an open endorsement of neoliberal policies. Moreover, other than a generic celebration of consumption and consumption-fuelled aspirations, even popular vernacular media rarely articulates the ideological principles of neoliberalism. Indian neoliberalism has thus largely failed to build itself into a truly hegemonic project. This is in sharp contrast to Thatcherism, for instance, which built a popular base by using neoliberal ideology to refract genuine contradictions of social democracy (Hall 1979). In Gramsci’s terms, Indian neoliberalism lacks a “totalitarian party”; it is an ideology without an organisation, except parts of the state machinery itself. Why this is the case is a far larger question. At an ideological level, by comparison with Thatcherism, it can be seen that the contradictions experienced by most Indians cannot be easily reduced to the formulae of state over-regulation. The continued presence of the state as both supporter and opponent of petty production prevents an easy attack on it as an external imposition. The discourses of the 1980s remain far too powerful to be swept aside, giving rise to endless laments from neoliberal ideologues about “vote bank” politics and the inability of the Indian masses to understand the wisdom of the “market.” This political failure in turn becomes an obstacle to the subjugation of petty producers. It is clear that if Indian capital found the discourses of the 1980s’ movements a fetter on their expansion, neoliberalism does so at a far more intense level. Such politics directly opposes the blanket liberalisation, regulatory withdrawal and speculative freedom that are so central to the neoliberal project. Moreover, in the Indian context, the persistence of such politics blocks the wholesale subjugation of petty commodity producers and hinders the ability of capital to impose its will on the Indian polity. As such, if neoliberalism is to politically succeed in reshaping India’s society and polity as it wishes, it requires a stronger foundation on which to attack such politics. Paper by Shankar Gopalakrishnan Part 3
Bonjour, Je cherche un broker qui permet d'investir sur différentes places financières : Inde - Bombay Stock Exchange (BSE) (Dr. Reddy's Laboratories Ltd, isin INE 089A01023) Chine - SHANGHAI COMPOSITE - (Beijing Wantai Biological Pharmacy, isin CNE100004090) Londres - London Stock Exchange (CD PROJEKT RED, isin 0LX1 - PLOPTTC00011 / Londres, même si Projekt Red est bien pricé sur London Stock, je ne suis pas sur que l'on puisse passer d'ordre, donc j'aurais bien voulu un broker qui donne accès à la bourse qui héberge Projekt Red) Aucun de ces stock n'est disponible sur Etoro, bourseDirect, Revolut. J'ai bien CD PROJEKT RED sur bourse direct, mais 'Passage d'ordre indisponible.' Le broker doit avoir une API (si possible officiel). Dernière question, Connaissez vous un pricer (surtout l'accès à l'historique des données) pas trop cher, qui aurait les données de toutes les places boursière que je viens d'énumérer ? J'aurais voulu faire des back test, et possiblement, avoir un pricer indépendant de mon broker. (pour moi, Le pricer est un acteur qui donne les données de marchés présentes et passées, mais si je me trompe, je veux avoir accès aux market data). Je suis un archi débutant, et le bonhomme de Bourse Direct n'a pas pu me répondre pour Projekt Red. -D'une manière général, comment fait-on pour avoir accès aux marchés exotiques. Merci à tous.
2020.09.02 10:39 maggie12333333Anyone got admitted without any CS background?
Hi all, I'm interested in applying to the program but I have no cs background. I graduated with bachelor of Finance. I know that there are some prereq requirement to apply for this program. The 6 courses are:
Other member has attached a list of edx/coursera equivalent courses in order to fulfill these requirements: https://www.reddit.com/MSCSO/comments/i6gmsc/prerequisite_coursework/ Is there anyone without any CS background has completed these courses in coursera/edx and successfully got admitted to the program? As I'm curious do they really accept these courses as fulfilling the requirements for students with no prior CS background. Also, I would like to ask to meet the pre-req requirements, do I need to take one coursera/edx course per each pre-req requirements, or do I need to take all courses below? For example for CS 312 - Intro to Programming, there are 6 courses under CS 312 - Intro to Programming in the list below, do I need to take all 6 courses or do I only pick one to study? Thanks a lot for your help. The list is as below: CS 312 - Intro to Programming
2020.08.22 15:30 yogimodi2 IIT-Bombay students credited with discovering closest asteroid known to fly past Earth. Kunal Deshmukh and Kritti Sharma, working on a research project, discovered this object just hours later using data from the robotic Zwicky Transient Facility (ZTF) in California.
2020.08.19 05:51 RisenSteamHow Amit Shah swooped in and rescued Delhi from COVID19
So Amit Shah got involved in COVID response in Delhi & increased testing a lot & brought down the Test Positivity Rate (TPR). Positivity Rate is percentage of people positive from the total number tested. For e.g. if 100 people are tested everyday & 15 tests return a positive result then the TPR is 15%. High TPR means you are undertesting. So TPR is considered a marker of whether you are testing enough or not. Doing a lot of testing is good because it means that you will be able to quarantine the positive quickly & prevent them from spreading further thereby reducing R0 & slowing down the spread. You will many articles about how Amit Shah swept in & saved Delhi by Increasing Testing - here is one from the BJP rag Sunday Guardian Amit Shah helps arrest Covid surge in Delhi
In view of this crisis in the national capital, Home Minister Amit Shah and the Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) stepped in to take control of the situation. The MHA started working in close coordination with the Delhi government to increase the number of testing and bed facilities in hospitals across Delhi Delhi was also recording one of the highest test positivity rates in the country during the first few weeks of June, with more than 15% of the total people being tested turning out to be positive. Delhi is currently testing more than 20,000 patients daily, both symptomatic and asymptomatic, and the test positivity rate in Delhi stands at 7.9% at present.
So Amit Shah halved the TPR in Delhi. This is all great till you look deeper. There are many kinds of COVID tests. The gold standard of COVID tests is RT-PCR tests. It has very high accuracy & very low false negatives. Another test is the Rapid Antigen Test. RT-PCR costs around 4000-5000 Rs a pop & it may take a couple of days to get the results. Rapid Antigen Test just costs around 500 Rs a pop & results may be as quick as half an hour. However, the antigen tests aren't as accurate as the RT-PCR. Their positives are very accurate but they have a high number of false negatives. Meaning if someone tests positive with the antigen tests, you can be sure that he is actually infected, but if someone tests negative, you cannot be sure that they are actually negative - they may actually be infected even if they tested negative. Antigen tests are good because they are quick & cheap, getting the results back quickly is good so you can isolate & treat the person quickly - it can be a great add-on to the testing toolbox. But because of the high false negatives, it shouldn't be the main tool your toolbox - RT-PCR should be. Ideal protocol should be that if anyone tests positive with antigen, no need for more testing. It should be assumed that he/she is positive. But anyone testing negative should be tested again with RTPCR. ICMR has advised a slightly less strict protocol where by if someone tests negative & is asymptomatic, no need to test him again. But if he symptomatic, test him again with RT-PCR. However, it's not sure if even this is being followed by the states. Every state including Delhi has increased daily testing numbers a lot in the last 1 month, but it seems as if a lot of tests are Antigen rather than RTPCR. Delhi, Maharashtra, Bihar, UP, Gujarat have all increased testing. Unfortunately none of the states seem to be giving a breakup of how many of the tests conducted daily are RTPCR tests. But there are some things which may provide an insight https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/delhi/just-3-6-who-tested-negative-via-antigen-referred-to-rt-pcarticleshow/76988239.cms
Just 3.6% who tested negative via antigen referred to RT-PCR in Delhi
Which means out of every 100 people who tested negative through the Antigen tests in Delhi, only 4 were retested with RTPCR. Which seems to indicate that Delhi seems to be largely testing asymptomatic people with Antigen tests to prop up the testing numbers & reduce the TPR. Many other states are doing the same. And overall, though India has increased testing a lot in the last month, even now testing is still low compared to the West. And that a large number are antigen is a double whammy. Tamil Nadu seems to be very sincere about their testing & seem to rely heavily on RTPCR. Maharashtra is doing a lot of antigen tests - around 65%. But luckily most of these are outside Bombay. In Bombay itself, BMC seem to be doing around 65-70% RTPCR & only around 30-35% Antigen & other tests. Here is an article about Bihar - As Bihar scales up testing, positivity rate dips to 4.26% But then - Bihar: COVID-19 testing doubled but no data on type of testing conducted
2020.08.13 13:53 TartahyugaFwd: Service Communication: New hires
Reference - Index - Previous - Next to: ff'[[email protected]](mailto:[email protected]), [[email protected]](mailto:[email protected]), [[email protected]](mailto:[email protected]), [[email protected]](mailto:[email protected]), [[email protected]](mailto:[email protected]), ... Well, seems like corporate has finally decided to grace us with an answer. Good news: we finally got a xenobiologist! I read their curriculum and BOI, you can spot the ones that passed the test thanks to daddy's friend a mile away. I mean... i don't really care if you get a recomdation to wipe the floors, but a xenobiologist is kind of a big deal, c'mon. I picked a Nustellian from Icillon, it looks like it was the better option. Yes, it's Nustellian and yes, we're going to have an Helion-based atmosphere on the crew quarters, but if you can breathe the Xenon in the common areas you'll be fine, you'll just need to get used to it. I got a job offer, they want us to travel to Tephanov, which... is goddamn Tephanov, but i'm probably going to do it. 22 years means that once we get back i'll be right on time for retirement and i doubt i'll find something better. Feels weird that corporate gives me such a good offer, but i guess it either came from the top or after 16 years that russian decided to not be a dick anymore. He still calls me tovarish, which is irritating af, and promised to send me Gorgadians if i don't pick the crew in time, but we got two extra months so he won't get the chance. You should be able to check the contract yourself, it is similar to the last one but we get a bigger bonus because it's longer. Amina and Jamal, I don't want to force you to make a decision early, so i'll leave your spot open until the last moment, if you want to raise Amal on Earth i'll write you a reference letter to help find a job planet-side. We'll miss your bombay potatoes but that's just another thing to look forward in 22 years. Well everyone, i have a few days left in this 7 star hotel and I have no intention of wasting them. Varis out ---------- Forwarded message --------- From: Corporate [[email protected]](mailto:[email protected]) Date: Mon, Feb 9, 523 at 52.74 GMT +3 Subject: "Service Communication: New hires" To: Captain Miller [[email protected]](mailto:[email protected]) Captain Miller, we would like to congratulate on another successful trip with the HSVS Voyager Prime. The ship is expected to be void-ready in less than a month, and after the excellent performance of your past trips, we wish to have you pilot our ship again. We have concluded the hiring process to replace the emplyee that resigned and have updated the database. Since the last time you were on Earth, we substantially increased our numbers and humans now consist of 28.5% of the total employee. We cannot guarantee your request, but your chances to recruit an American citizen have greatly increased. After carefully reading your report, Syncom has decided to grant your request and add a xenobiologist position to our cruises. Attached to this message, you will find the curriculum of the candidates that have passed the screening test and will be able to select the candidate best suited for the HSVS Voyager Prime should you decide to continue working with us. This was done as a personal recognition from Syncom's board, as their curriculum will be uploaded to the database in a week's time. Attached to this e-mail you will also find the contract for a 22-year travel to AB ζ Spica d "Tephanov". Due to your high performance, Syncom has decided to grant you two weeks to evaluate the offer before other candidates, we hope to receive your answer swiftly. Were you to decide to accept our contract, we wish to increase your crew by adding two pilots in training and two new medical students. They will spend this travel under direct supervision of you or your senior medical staff, but will be requested to perform a monthly test until they become accredited professionals. Once their training is complete, you are free to hire them as additional staff or transfer them to the passanger quarters until your next spaceport. Since last time we changed the recruting process: as before, you are allowed to select your own crew members from Syncom's employee list but your crew will be selected for you should the selection not be ready three months before departure, instead of the previous five. As a personal note: you have two extra months to pick your crew, so try to actually do it on time. If you make me do your job for you i'll fill your ship with Gorgadians. Dasvidania tovarish, Burak Bogdanov
2020.08.12 12:32 sheldonalpha5The Kashmir Crisis - A View from Mirpur by Roger Ballard (1991)
THE KASHMIR CRISIS: A VIEW FROM MIRPUR Published in Economic and Political Weekly, 1991 pp. 513 – 517 Roger Ballard Centre for Applied South Asian Studies University of Manchester “Though the Mirpuris differ little in cultural terms from the Potohari population on the far side of the river Jhelum in Pakistan proper, they tend to be enthusiastic supporters of a Kashmiri entity which would be entirely independent of both India and Pakistan. Yet they have adopted this position not so much as a result of a clear and positive commitment to the cultural distinctiveness of the Kashmir region as a whole, but rather as a con- sequence of their strong sense of disillusionment about the way in which Pakistan has treated them.” Until recently Azad Kashmir – the narrow slice of territory which is bounded by the rivers Jhelum and Neelum to the West, and the Indo-Pakistani cease-fire line which winds through the high valleys of the Pir Panjal to the East – was largely a forgotten backwater. India has long dismissed Azad Kashmir, with its allegedly autonomous Government based in Muzaffarabad, as nothing more than a puppet of the Ministry of Kashmir Affairs in Islamabad; and although Pakistan has always vigorously denied such charges, there can be little doubt that Azad Kashmir has in fact always been kept on a very tight leash. That is not to say, however, that there has been anything very active about Pakistan's policy with respect to Azad Kashmir. To be sure a careful watch has been kept on Muzaffarabad – above all in order to ensure that over-enthusiastic local politicians did not take an embarrassingly activist position on the prospect of liberating the remainder of Kashmir; but almost all other issues have been put firmly on the back burner. So, for example, the level of expenditure on rural development has – with the exception of the special, and, as we shall see, largely counter-productive case of the Mangla Hydel scheme – long been a good deal lower in Azad Kashmir than elsewhere in Pakistan; international aid agencies have been denied access, on the grounds that Azad Kashmir is a "sensitive area"; most strikingly of all, these same grounds are used to justify the routine exclusion of information on Azad Kashmir from virtually all public statistics. Even census data remains unpublished. But if Azad Kashmir remained an overlooked backwater for many years, the current crisis beyond the Pir Panjal together with growing tensions across the cease-fire line, has changed all that. Suddenly that small slice of Kashmir which has claimed Azadi status for the past forty years has gained a position of much greater prominence: articles datelined Muzaffarabad now regularly appear in the Western – and indeed the Indian – Press. Even so, the journalists who make these reports are invariably primarily concerned with developments within the Kashmir Valley itself, with the scale of the refugee exodus, and with the arming – or non-arming – of potential mujahideen. Few stop to consider what is going on amongst the Azad Kashmiris themselves, nor to explore what position they – and Pakistan – might adopt if India were ever to conclude that an ever more repressive occupation of the Kashmir valley was no longer worth the candle. If it did, by whatever means, break away from India, where would Azad Kashmir then stand? The answers are complex – and paradoxical. Who are the Azad Kashmiris? While the Kashmiris of the central valley have, and feel themselves to have, a wide range of cultural and linguistic commonalities, those living on the western slopes of the Pir Panjal are a good deal more diverse. Not only do they have little in common with the Kashmiris of the Srinagar valley – from whom they are almost as sharply differentiated as are from the Dogras of Jammu – but they are also marked, as is only to be expected in such a mountainous region, by a great deal of local diversity. That said, some generalisations can still be made. Prior to 1947 this region was one of the most overwhelmingly Muslim parts of the Maharaja of Kashmir's territories: unlike Jammu where Hindus were and are in the majority, and the Valley with its substantial Brahmin minority, to the west of the Pir Panjal tiny Hindu and Sikh minority was confined to the region's few small market towns. None at all remain today, however, for they all fled to India in 1947. Yet although Azad Kashmiris are overwhelmingly Muslim, their cultural connections with the Valley proper are few: instead they are best seen as forming the eastern and northern limits of the Potohari Punjabi culture which is otherwise characteristic of the upland parts of Rawalpindi and Jhelum Districts. Even so, this is only to identify their broad location on the cultural map of the region, within which further, more localised cultural variations are still of great significance. So it is that the inhabitants of Azad Kashmir have as yet developed only a very limited sense of their own collective unity, despite having been incorporated into an administrative unit of their own for the best part of half a century. Caste and Biraderi Divisions As might be expected, caste and biraderi divisions are still of great importance, but what is also striking is that they have led to the adoption of some strikingly different perspectives on just what it means to be a Kashmiri. So, for example, while most people in the more northerly, Sudhan-dominated areas around Bagh and Rawalakot are just as enthusiastic about identifying themselves as Kashmiris as are those in the southern-most Jat-dominated District of Mirpur (which is also the area with which I myself am most familiar[i]) closer examination soon reveals that their commitment to Kashmir has arisen for quite different reasons, and consequently gives rise to a very different set of objectives. So, for example, while the Sudhans still remember with pride that it was they who were amongst the first to take up arms in rebellion against the Maharaja's forces[ii], aiming, as they still do, to bring the whole of Kashmir into a wider Pakistan – their slogan is "KashmirPakistanbanega", the perspective, which most Mirpuris adopt these issues is very different. Paradoxically enough, the Mirpuris tend – even though they differ little in cultural terms from the Potohari population on the far side of the river Jhelum in Pakistan proper – to be enthusiastic supporters of a Kashmiri entity which would be entirely independent of both India and Pakistan – their slogan is "Kashmir Azad banega". Yet as we shall see in a moment, they have adopted this position not so much as a result of a clear and positive commitment to the cultural distinctiveness of the Kashmir region as a whole, but rather as a consequence of their strong sense of disillusionment about the way in which Pakistan has treated them. It is worth exploring in some detail just how this has come about. Azad Kashmir, Mirpur and Pakistan In administrative terms Azad Kashmir is only nominally autonomous: from the very outset all important decisions have always had to be cleared by – if they had not already been taken in – the Ministry of Kashmir Affairs in Islamabad. Yet although Pakistanis in both official and unofficial spheres have long tended to regard Azad Kashmir as having only the most peripheral significance in the national scheme of things, this region and its population has in fact made a considerable contribution to the economic well-being of country as a whole. Firstly Azad Kashmir has contributed disproportionately to Pakistan's stock of overseas migrant workers, and hence to the inflow of remittances in foreign exchange.[iii] Such remittances, it is worth emphasising, have played an even more critical role in Pakistan's national finances than in India: in the early 80's, when such remittances reached their peak, they provided well over 50% of the country's foreign exchange earnings, and even today the figure has probably not dropped much below that figure. Overseas migration – which in Pakistan, as in India, has recently been overwhelmingly targeted on the Middle East –has not, however, been an exclusively Kashmiri phenomenon. But apart from urban outflows from Karachi and to a lesser extent from Lahore, the overwhelming majority of unskilled emigrants from Pakistan have been drawn from the barani (and hence less agriculturally prosperous) areas which sweep in a great arc from Peshawar through Azad Kashmir, Rawalpindi and Jhelum and down to Sialkot. But although emigrants from the more northerly districts of Azad Kashmir are particularly heavily represented in this outflow, they still only constitute a relatively small proportion of the total. Where Kashmiris occupy a very much more prominent position, however, is in emigration to Britain. Somewhere in the region of two thirds of all British Pakistanis are in fact of Azad Kashmiri origin. Nor has this outflow occurred from across the length and breadth of the region: instead the overwhelming majority of emigrants stem either Mirpur District, or from the southern part of Kotli District which lies immediately to the north of it. In this area the scale of emigration has been truly massive. In many villages well over half the population now lives overseas, with the result, thanks to the remittances they have sent back, that there has been an immense inflow of wealth into these otherwise remote and isolated settlements. This has had complex, not to say paradoxical, consequences. So it is that although most villages In Mirpur District are now as capital rich – in the village which I myself examined, with resident population of no more than 3,000, the five local Banks had no less than Rs. 5 Crore on deposit – the new wealth has brought some very mixed blessings. In the short run living standards have most certainly risen, but it is equally clear that the inflow of resources has not stimulated real and sustainable economic growth. Most strikingly of all, while Mirpuris now control a plenitude of investment funds, finding secure and profitable ways to deploy them, other than by leaving them on deposit in the bank has proved to be exceedingly problematic, given Mirpur's specific location in the wider political economy of Pakistan. Mangla and its Consequences One source of these difficulties is very concretely manifested in the shape of the Mangla Dam, which confines the waters of the rivers Jhelum and Poonch just before they break out into the plains of the Punjab proper. To Pakistan Mangla is a vital asset which brings many benefits: second only to the mighty Tarbela as a source of hydro-electric power, it also serves as the principal water-storage reservoir for the entire canal system West Punjab. Mangla is thus of critical to the success of the Pakistani economy as a whole. Yet despite the great benefits – in terms of cheap electricity, year-round irrigation and security from flooding – which Mangla has brought to everyone in Pakistan proper, those unfortunate enough to live immediately upstream of the dam have had – as in so many other similar projects elsewhere – to bear the brunt of its environmental costs. It is the Mirpuris who have had to witness the disappearance of much of their most fertile agricultural land, as well as the District's two market towns, Mirpur and Chaomukh, beneath the waters of the lake; it is they, too, who have had to cope with the intensely disruptive impact of the rising waters on the local infrastructure, and particularly on transport and communications. Infrastructural damage is, of course, an inevitable consequence of all such projects. Yet although a comprehensive effort to make good that damage would have added only a tiny fraction to the overall costs, both the Government of Pakistan and the World Bank – which provided most of the finance for the Mangla scheme – chose to scrimp and save. This was only too obvious to the Mirpuris. Although the dam contractors built a first-class road around the southern (and originally virtually unpopulated) shore of the newly formed lake, the long and winding road around the densely populated northern shore, and which now provided the remainder of the District with its only access to the Plains, was built to a much lower standard, and not fully completed until some years after the water had risen; and it was more than a decade before a bridge was finally constructed across the river Poonch to Tehsil Dadial, which the rising waters of the dam had turned into an isolated peninsula inaccessible to vehicular traffic. As we shall see, much was to turn on this. The History and Consequences of Emigration from Mirpur Such a failure to make good the damage caused by large-scale construction projects is, of course, all too common; and if such situations can be expected to produce an upsurge of hostility towards the beneficiaries of such projects, especially when they live elsewhere, then this tendency was yet further reinforced as a consequence of the very high level of overseas migration that has taken place from Mirpur in general and Tehsil Dadial in particular. The interaction the Mangla project and overseas migration has, however, been much more complex than is commonly appreciated. So, for example, although it is regularly assumed that the high level of emigration from the area is a direct result of Mirpuri peasants seeing their land disappear beneath the Mangla Lake, closer examination soon reveals that it is in fact the culmination of a process which had begun many years before the dam was even thought of. As long ago as the closing decades of the last century, Mirpuri villagers had begun to take jobs as stokers on British merchant ships operating out of Bombay. Just why they began to do so is most obscure, but the most likely explanation is that it was their way of coping with a major disadvantages of their status as Kashmiris: while the Potohar plateau was a major source of recruitment for the British Indian Army, it is clear that the British were most reluctant, except in times of war, to recruit subjects of the Maharaja of Kashmir as soldiers in its Punjabi regiments. So it was that while the sons of small peasant farmers in Rawalpindi and Jhelum Districts were able to supplement their meagre agricultural incomes by signing up as soldiers, their counterparts across the river Jhelum were forced to look elsewhere. Just how they discovered that there was a demand for stokers in Bombay, and who the original pioneers were, I have not yet been able to establish. Once the initial connection was made, however, the rest was easy. The railway station in Gujjar Khan was little more than a days' walk away from most parts of Mirpur District, and having reached Bombay finding work presented few difficulties. By the end of the last century a high proportion of engine room and stokehold sirhangs were themselves from Mirpur. As Britain's coal-powered merchant fleet continued to expand rapidly during the early decades of this century, so the demand for labour steadily increased, and seamen began to be recruited from an ever larger numbers from an ever wider swathe of villages. As seamen, Mirpuris were in an excellent position from which to keep a close watch on global job opportunities, for the more adventurous amongst them soon began to look for opportunities to work ashore. Getting such jobs was by no means easy, of course, for racial exclusionism was always an obstacle. Nevertheless when acute industrial labour shortages began to emerge in Britain during the course of the second-world war, Mirpuri ex-seamen (many of whom had had their ships torpedoed from beneath them) were eagerly recruited to fill the gaps. It was these war-time pioneers who formed the bridge-head for further settlement. When opportunities began to widen still further in Britain's subsequent post-war boom, Mirpuri seamen began to leave their ships in ever-increasing numbers. And having established themselves ashore, they began to call their kinsmen over to join them, so unleashing a process of chain migration. As a result over half the population of many Mirpuri villages now lives abroad, while well over half of Britain's Pakistani population– which is now over third of a million strong – stems from this one small area. Yet if the origins of the Mirpuris migratory initiative long antedated the construction of Mangla Dam, the effects of both, which were further compounded by the area's peripheral political and administrative status, subsequently reacted with each other in an extremely explosive way. By the mid 1970's, Mirpur was in a state of economic ferment. Large numbers of men had left to work in Britain during the previous decade, but few had by then reunited their families overseas. Instead most were still acting as inter-continental commuters, making regular visits back home during which they took the opportunity to invest their accumulated savings – most usually by building splendid new houses for themselves and their families. So great was the volume of remittances during the 1970's that they gave rise to a spectacular, if highly localised and very temporary, economic boom. No-where was this process more marked than in Dadial Tehsil. Perhaps because it was relatively close to the railway station, many sirhangs had been recruited from Dadiali villages: hence the outflow of migrants, and the consequent inflow of remittances, had been particularly heavy in this area. But at the same time Dadial's physical location ensured that no-one was more conscious than Dadiali returnees of the negative consequences of the Mangla project. Thus instead of taking a Tonga from Mirpur to Chaomukh, they were suddenly faced with a long relatively perilous trip by boat across the new lake, for their homes were no longer accessible by road. And for just the same reasons the costs of house construction were greatly inflated, since all building materials now had to be ferried expensively across the lake from a place which Dadialis now began to describe with ever-increasing dismissiveness as Pakistan. This sense of hostility, which was fired by their steadily more explicit perception of their exploitation by Pakistan, finally came to a head as a result of a disastrous accident. A boat carrying a marriage party from a very influential family in one of the most affluent of Dadiali villages sank while crossing that part of the river Poonch that should long since have been bridged. More than fifty people were drowned. This proved to be the last straw. An uprising swiftly followed, in which the thana was taken over, the SDM was taken into custody, and, so I was told, Indian flags were ironically raised over public buildings. The Dadialis had had enough. The rebellion did not last long, of course, for within days the Pakistani state had re-asserted its authority. But the fact that this could only be done by means of a parachute drop – for the area was as inaccessible to military as to civilian vehicles – embarrassingly underlined the rebels' basic argument. The point was taken very swiftly. Within weeks the Army had installed a temporary bridge across the river Poonch, and a more permanent one was completed within the year. At long last Dadial was on the map again. Nevertheless the damage done to public confidence was permanent. To be sure the most pressing grievance had been settled, but many others still rankled. So, for example, many Mirpuris were deeply resentful that despite their considerable contribution to Pakistan's economy through their foreign exchange remittances, no serious effort had been made to stimulate economic and infrastructural development, either in Dadial Tehsil, Mirpur District, or indeed in Azad Kashmir as a whole. And although large sums had indeed been spent on the Mangla project, its beneficiaries were most definitely not Mirpuri. As my informants never failed to emphasise, the benefits of Mangla's electricity were felt in Lahore, and even in Karachi, long before powerlines began to be installed in rural Mirpur. Without such connections, how could they power up fans, let alone the expensive electrical and electronic equipment that so many people had brought back from overseas for their smart new houses? Kashmiri Nationalism? So it is that even though the boundary between Azad Kashmir and Pakistan is, in this region, largely artificial in cultural terms – for there are few, if any, linguistic or cultural differences between those who love on either side of the river Jhelum – Mirpuris now feel themselves to be very different from other Potohari Punjabis. They regularly assert that they are Kashmiris, and by that token not Pakistani. They also have the capacity to assert that distinctiveness in places that count: bumper stickers displaying Chinar leaves and the slogan I Love Kashmir are now commonplace on the streets of Birmingham, Bradford and London. This matters: as the British have learned in Ulster, and India with Punjab, the existence of an overseas diaspora means that those back home can always rely on the support of their cousins overseas, and that whenever the going gets tough back home, those developments will swiftly be drawn to the attention of the international media. Nor is it hard to see why this sense of Kashmiri nationalism should have emerged so swiftly and so vigorously in Mirpur. Given their very reasonable view that Pakistan has not only overlooked their interests, but has unashamedly exploited both their environmental resources and their hard-earned financial assets, their self-definition as Kashmiris, and not as Pakistanis, provides Mirpuris with a powerful means of both expressing and legitimising their grievances. Hence there is there is a great deal of enthusiastic support both within the District itself – and even more so amongst the overseas Mirpuri diaspora – for the prospect of a Kashmir which is truly Azad. "Kashmir Zindabad! Pakistan Murdabad!" they cry with great enthusiasm. Yet however genuine these feelings of Kashmiri nationalism may be, they must also be put in context. In the first place they are reinforced by some yet more parochial considerations, not least because the present administration in distant Muzaffarabad – which can be reached much more quickly by way of Islamabad and Murree than along the long winding road through the hills – is not only controlled by non-Mirpuris, but by people who ultimately favour Kashmir's incorporation into Pakistan. So it was that when Sardar Qayyum, an integrationist Poonchi Sudhan who was subsequently to become Chief Minister of Azad Kashmir, sought to speak at an election rally in Dadial in 1985, he faced hostile demonstrations. Only when protected by a substantial military presence could be escorted safely out of town. Such tensions remain to this day. A Wholly Independent Kashmir? What are we to make of all this? On the face of it the presence of strongly articulated anti-Pakistani feelings in Mirpur might seem to give succour to those who argue that a wholly independent state of Kashmir which incorporated the overwhelmingly Muslim areas to the West of the Pir Panjal as well as the Srinagar valley itself would form a viable entity. But of this I am extremely doubtful. First, the strong anti-Pakistani sentiments which are so salient in Mirpur need to be seen as a product of local specificities: they are by no means necessarily shared in other parts of Azad Kashmir. Second, although there is certainly widespread support for greater regional autonomy amongst Azad Kashmiris, just as there is in every other region of Pakistan (and India!), there is no evidence – especially in the light of District-based diversities in interest and biraderi affiliation – that support for a wholly independent Kashmir either is, or even that it might become, either coherent or comprehensive. Thirdly if ever this did occur, or even if it seemed a realistic possibility, the very substantial cultural differences between the Kashmiris of the valley, and the essentially Potohari population to the west of the Pir Panjal would undoubtedly loom increasingly large: given the strength of negative memories of valley-centred Kashmiri rule, the prospects of serious contradictions opening up between the two populations are very strong indeed. However as a look at the map swiftly reveals, the most substantial obstacle to a comprehensive reunification of a wholly independent Kashmir is essentially geographical. Since a major portion of Pakistan's current Hydel capacity, and the principal reservoir for the entire canal system in West Punjab would be contained within the boundaries of such a State, it would hold a whip hand over Pakistan's entire economy. While bargaining over such issues between two relatively autonomous units within a single federal system would inevitably be fierce, such a process can at least be envisaged: the same cannot be said of a confrontation over the same issues between two wholly independent states. It is for this reason that there is no prospect whatsoever of Pakistan being prepared to allow all of Punjab's immediate submontane tracts to fall under the control of an independent state, whatever the opinions of the local population may be, and however much they may hanker for the creation of a truly Azad Kashmir. Pluralism, Repression and Nationalism Are, then, geo-political realities – whether with respect to Mangla, or the entire Srinagar Valley – the only issues that matter? The dominant majorities on both sides do indeed seem to assume the right to tell minorities to put up and shut up should the more specific and more localised interests and concerns of those minorities prove to stand in contradiction to their own. What though, are the consequences of such stances? What my own experience – which has involved an exploration of the tensions thrown up by the arrival of South Asian settlers in Britain, as well as those surrounding their departure from their rural homes in East Punjab as well as in Mirpur – has led me to conclude is that although locally dominant groups do indeed only too regularly seek to impose their own hegemony over smaller and subordinated minorities, they do so at their peril. Hegemonic majorities – be they the English in Britain, Hindus in India, or Punjabis in Pakistan – find it all too easy to convince themselves that their demands for minority compliance, which they usually justify as a necessary means of sustaining the integrity of the national order, are simply a matter of common sense. By the same token they feel it is quite in order for them to overlook and ignore any cries of protest which emerge from the minorities, usually on the grounds that they are unnecessary, unrepresentative and inappropriate. When they find themselves caught up in such situations, minority demands are usually – at least in the initial stages – relatively limited in scope. In the first instance all that is usually sought is a rather more positive recognition of the legitimacy of their distinctive interests and concerns, and their main goal is usually no more than to gain a position of greater autonomy and dignity within the wider social order. If, however, these requests for a more positive recognition of their distinctiveness are denied, and if, worse still their proposals come to be perceived as an ungrateful and possibly traitorous attempt to undermine the established political, social and cultural order, minorities rarely buckle and submit, no matter how vigorously the majority seek to impose their hegemony. On the contrary the outcome of such efforts – whether the battles are being fought in Bradford, Birmingham, Kashmir, Punjab, or indeed Ayodya – is invariably the very opposite of what was originally intended. In such circumstances minorities invariably become even more determined both to sustain their distinctiveness and to maximise their autonomy and/or independence. In the midst of such polarisation, majorities which persist in dismissing all forms of minority assertiveness as subversive, anti-national and terroristic will only worsen the situation. To be sure those who advance these self-serving arguments may well succeed in convincing themselves of the righteousness of their own position; but the more they do so, the more they will reinforce the minorities' conclusion that the only way forward is to redouble their efforts to struggle for greater autonomy. How, then are such contradictions to be resolved? Geographical partition is one option: but as India knows to its cost – and as Britain has now discovered in Ulster – the moth-eaten outcomes of partition may still prove to be just as seriously internally divided as was the whole unit in the first place. Yet if partition is not the answer, what other alternatives are available? Of course there is one solution which is available right at the other end of the scale: genocide. But though this is, sadly enough, a kind of solution which is far from unknown in human history, it is hardly one to be recommended. Is there a middle path? Despite the viciousness of so many contemporary ethnic conflicts, there can be little doubt that these contradictions can be bridged. But the lessons are everywhere the same. Until the dominant majority – whomsoever it happens to consist of[iv]– is prepared to act with a greater degree of magnanimity, to be more respectful of minority distinctiveness, and to give them much greater scope for the expression of their social, cultural and political autonomy no progress whatsoever will be made. Pluralism is, in other words, the only way forward. Movement in a pluralistic direction is, however, invariably remarkably difficult to achieve. The reasons are fairly obvious. To unwind such logjams it is always the majority who need to take the first step, above all by acknowledging to itself that it has indeed been acting in a hegemonic way. This is much more easily said than done, for it entails a stripping away of the ideological frameworks which all majorities generate as a means of obscuring their hegemonic tendencies from themselves-whether that be the vision of a civilising mission with which European imperialists cloaked their racism, or the equally chauvinistic notions of 'secularism' which have been used to justify equally oppressive policies in Kashmir and Punjab. Yet however necessary it may be for dominant majorities to take the first step towards the negotiation of a mutually satisfactory compromise, they invariably prove ex- ceedingly reluctant to do so. Most prefer, instead-witness the current situation in Kashmir, Karachi, Punjab, and UP, let alone in inner-city Britain-to adopt a position of embattled righteousness, little realising that the longer they delay negotiations, the larger that crucial first step will always prove to be. Well entrenched majorities regularly rule out such possibilities on the grounds that they would, by their very nature, undermine the uniqueness of everything they hold most dear-be that a vision of England's sceptred isle, or of the equally mythological dream of Aryavarta. But those who dream such dreams would do well to remember that the further polarisation precipitated by their intransigence can easily have horrific out- comes. If all values whatsoever are swept away in the resulting holocaust that is not the fault of the minorities. [i] While my own research has focused primarily on Punjabi settlers in Britain, the vast majority of whom originate either from Mirpur or from the Jullundur Doab in East Punjab, I have been involved in two periods of intensive field research in Mirpur District itself, the first for six weeks in 1981, and the second for six months in 1985. It is largely on the basis of that experience that this article has been written. [ii] An excellent account of this uprising, and of the conflict which followed until the cease-fire in 1948 in A. H. Suharawardy Tragedy in Kashmir Lahore: Wajidalis 1983 [iii] I have set out a more detailed analysis of the history of overseas migration from Mirpur, and of its impact on the local social and economic order in chapters entitled 'The Political Economy of Migration: Pakistan, Britain, and the Middle East' in J S Eades (ed), Migrants, Workers and the Social Order, London: Tavistock 1987, and 'The Effects Of Labour Migration from Pakistan' in Alavi, H and Hariss, J (eds), The Sociology of 'Developing Societies': South Asia, London: Macmillan, 1989 [iv] It should always be remembered that groups who find themselves treated as an excluded minority in one context may well also act, in other contexts, as equally oppressive excluders of others further down the pile than themselves. Jews may, for example, have found themselves subjected to the most vicious forms of anti-semitism in Europe, but this has not prevented them from acting in an equally oppressive manner towards the Palestinians. Numerous examples of the same phenomenon can be found in India.
2020.08.06 21:30 cscqsim_repostbotUniversities attended by CS PhD students at Stanford
Hope this is ok for the sub:) Inspired by this post, I decided to compile the same data but for CS PhD students, because I'm neurotic. I originaly wanted to do MIT, Stanford and Berkeley, but only Stanford has a public directory of their CS PhD students. I found this information by looking at the student's personal webpage, where they stated their alma mater on the site itself, or on a CV provided on the webpage, or on their LinkedIn. The directory: https://cs.stanford.edu/directory/phd-students In total, there are 303 students, I found the undergrad university for 269 of them, or about 89%. I broke it down into domestic and international universities, just like the math post. Domestic:
Number of students
Domestic universities with only 1 person: Georgetown, WUSTL, University of Rochester, UCSD, Binghamton, University of Virginia, Northeastern, Southwestern, UCSB, University of Connecticut, Purdue, University of Nebraska, UMass-Amherst, Brigham Young, Bucknell, Scripps, Boston College, Emory, UC David, Arizona State, UChicago, Rutgers–New Brunswick, UVermont, UAlabama at Birmingham, Davidson, Notre Dame International:
Number of students
Shanghai Jiao Tong University
Sharif University of Technology
Hong Kong University of Science and Technology
International universities with only 1 person: UBC, UCalgary, IIT Madras, University of Athens, Anna University, EPFL, Korea University, Ecole Polytechnique, CMU-Qatar, Zhejiang University, University of Science and Technology of China, Federal University of Minas Gerais, Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Birla Institute of Technology and Science, Beihang University, IIT Kharagpur, National Technical University of Athens, Israel Institute of Technology, National Taiwan University, University of Tokyo, Politecnico di Milano, University of Zurich, Sri Jayachamarajendra College of Engineering, University of Crete Interesting facts
There are 86 universities represented, of which 36 are international (~42%).
The most common background was computer science. There was a significant amount of people who came from electrical engineering and math backgrounds. Some from physics.
A non-trivial number did a master's at a top school and an undergrad at a non-top school.
Final notes: this is my first time doing this, so forgive me for any mistakes. You can find the original spreadsheet I made here. hope you guys enjoy:) Original
We wrote to the Hon’ble Chief Minister and Home Minister of the Government of Maharashtra worried by a series of criminal prosecutions against social media users which created a chilling effect on their right to freedom of speech and expression. Our main recommendation was to constitute a committee headed by a retired Supreme Court Judge to create a draft Standard Operating Procedure (SOP) for police departments across Maharashtra for any criminal cases based on studying judicial precedent.
Maharashtra has set a worrying trend
The State of Maharashtra, especially the city of Mumbai is the centre of the Indian entertainment industry and the cultural captial of India. This has led to enormous cultural and economic benefits for all of us across India and the world. However, a worrying trend has emerged where individuals are being arbitrarily targeted for online speech. This not only curbs their freedom of speech but also has a chilling effect on their creative expression which is the bedrock of any creative industry. This trend extends across the political spectrum and while individual instances are distinguished on facts and severity, it can be seen specifically in two instances which occurred in the last month:
Stand-up comics have been threatened with legal prosecution for jokes or statements of anguish around public development projects such as those emerging from statements attributed to the comic artist Agrima Joshua as reported in theHindustan Times on July 13, 2020.
When a social media user, namely Sameet Thakkar reportedly tweeted, “Baby Penguin” to direct humour towards the Shri Aditya Thackeray, Hon’ble Cabinet Minister of Tourism and Environment, he was booked under provisions of the Information Technology Act and the Indian Penal Code. This has been reported in The Wire on July 16, 2020.
To be clear, these instances are not wholly novel. There have been prosecutions of social media users, or threats of arbitrary legal action in the past. For instance,social media user Ajay Hatewar was prosecuted in 2015 for tweeting a picture of the Chief Minister at that time on a Yacht. While such actions may be insensitive, they are clearly not illegal and threats of prosecution often emerge from an incorrect application of penal provisions. These are quite often at variance with established precedents of the Hon’ble High Court of Bombay and the Supreme Court of India.
Our recommendation: Follow existing judicial precedent to avoid arbitrariness in prosecution
As an actionable measure, we suggest the constitution of a committee to create a draft Standard Operating Procedure (SOP) for police departments across Maharashtra for any criminal cases based on studying judicial precedent. Our recommendations on this include:
This committee may be headed by a retired Supreme Court Judge who can adapt the precedent that we have laid down above into the SOP.
The committee should also consist of members from the legal profession, digital rights organisations, academics on free speech as well as representatives. There may be added benefits in housing this exercise in prestigious Maharashtra based legal institutions such as Government Law College, Mumbai who can provide support and assistance to the committee.
The committee should aim to create a draft SOP which reduces the prevailing arbitrariness when it comes to criminal prosecution for online speech and prescribing uniform standards which may provide adequate notice to social media users and police departments. A draft of this SOP may be put to public consultation and then be made publicly available on finalisation.
Why is this necessary to be done now?
In the past, we have written to the Mumbai Police and the Maharashtra Home Department for a Social Media Regulation which we addressed through a Representation bearing reference number IFF/2020/137. Such actions not only are violative of the fundamental rights of residents within Maharashtra and Mumbai, but also deeply counterproductive. They threaten creativity and the productive values of thought, expression and creativity as being promoted by the State Government. It will over time cause a massive chilling effect and also have economic impacts. These actions in recent times have become more concerning for two clear reasons for which a break from the past in terms of such arbitrary prosecution is necessary. First, Maharashtra has one of the highest numbers of tele connectivity and internet access across India (106 connections per 100 people as per TRAI data dated April, 2020). This means many people are active users of social media and they are at risk of prosecution. Second, many such users lack actual notice or legal literacy to understand the expanse of their fundamental right to free expression and the threshold of reasonable restrictions. This more often applies to complainants who approach police departments urging them to initiate criminal proceedings. Thus, it is important that arbitrariness in terms of criminal prosecution for online speech be curbed. This can only be done by following existing legal precedents and creating a SOP which can be followed during such prosecutions as suggested in our recommendations above. It will help reduce frivlous complaints that threaten social media creators, activists and the large number of social media users in Maharashtra.
Representation to Hon'ble CM and Maharashtra Home Department on Online Speech dated August 6, 2020 (link)
We wrote to the Mumbai Police asking them to review and amend their Social Media Regulation Order issued under S.144, CrPC dated June 4, 2020 (link)
2020.07.22 15:34 biggreekgeekFlatten the Curve. Part 40. Pandemic Demographics Expanding. Systematic Inflammation Placing Children in ICU. 1918 Pandemic Clues to 2020. Rotten Egg Smell & Covid-19 Outbreaks. Asteroid in China 2019. Read This and Connect the Dots.
Read the previous post if you already haven't. This series won't make sense if you don't. Flatten the Curve. Part 39. Pro Tip #1. It's better to look stupid now than to look stupid later. Apply that rule to every choice you make, and the odds will always be in your favor. We still really don't know what the virus is doing. Not really. Actually, not at all. Read all the conflicting reports. Pay attention. Use your head and think criticality. We don’t have a clue what's actually happening, so good luck. Do you really think anyone im authority is going to admit this? Who wants to place a wager that by the end of September SHTF. BIG TIME. Lockdown, a real lockdown. Not this scenario crap we've been acting out. Why did I pick that date? There's several reasons. It's starting to look more and more that the virus is altering. Does that imply lab design? Maybe. But that's not the focus of this post. Do you remember the multi systematic inflammatory disease in children? Did you notice that it went away? It didn't. June 29, 2020. Worrisome details noted in kids with COVID inflammatory syndrome. Today the New England Journal of Medicine published two studies spotlighting the serious manifestations of COVID-19–related multisystem inflammatory syndrome in children (MIS-C), the first involving 186 kids in 26 states and the second involving 99 patients in New York. On May 14, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) issued a national health advisory on COVID-19 patients with features of MIS-C similar to Kawasaki disease, a rare pediatric inflammatory illness that can cause coronary-artery aneurysms and toxic shock syndrome. Both studies revealed the same high level of intensive care: 80%. And there are more reports out there. Go ahead and look. I need to condense these posts to free up more time, but you should know by now that I don't post unless I can back it up. So if anyone new reading this needs more evidence, get those fingers typing. Now if that wasn't bad enough, the virus appears to be focusing on the younger demographic as a whole. With more young people testing positive, what's behind Florida's COVID-19 surge? Ontario reports 203 new COVID-19 cases, the majority in people under age 39. Edina mayor warns of rise in COVID-19 cases in young people. But it's a hoax. A bunch of fear tactics. Ok smart guy, here's a question for you, do you really think small town mayor's are in on this conspiracy? Like the one in Edina Minnesota? Or in other small towns? The virus is real, but what the virus does isn't known. Pro Tip #2. Fearing the unknown doesn't make you a coward, it makes you smart. There isn't one General in history who doesn't scope the terrain and spy on the enemy before battle. It's basic understanding. Know thy enemy. And when a General is faced with insurmountable odds, retreat and live to fight another day. Again, pretty simple concept. Anyone with half a brain could understand it, just so long as you like having half a brain. June 23, 2020. How Covid-19 can damage the brain - BBC Future - BBC.com July 08, 2020. Coronavirus may cause brain damage leading to psychosis, delirium: study. Pro Tip #3. “Those who cannot remember the past are condemned to repeat it.” Look backwards to go forwards. All Generals are advid history buffs for a reason. The key to the future is found by unlocking the past. Hindsight is 20/20 in 2020. 1918 is Back to the Future. It's time to travel and learn.
There were 3 different waves of illness during the pandemic, starting in March 1918 and subsiding by summer of 1919. The pandemic peaked in the U.S. during the second wave, in the fall of 1918. This highly fatal second wave was responsible for most of the U.S. deaths attributed to the pandemic.
The second wave of the 1918 pandemic was much more deadly than the first. The first wave had resembled typical flu epidemics; those most at risk were the sick and elderly, while younger, healthier people recovered easily. October 1918 was the month with the highest fatality rate of the whole pandemic. In the United States, ~292,000 deaths were reported between September-December 1918, compared to ~26,000 during the same time period in 1915. Copenhagen reported over 60,000 deaths, Holland reported 40,000+ deaths from influenza and acute respiratory disease, Bombay reported ~15,000 deaths in a population of 1.1 million. Sound familiar? It should. It started in March and it was like the flu. Do you remember going away for March Break? Back before the New Normal hit high gear. This needs to make you question the non stop flu like comparisons happening constantly. Like everyday, hour upon the hour. That doesn't seem like information to me, that seems like behavioral manipulation. Who is behind it? Truthfully, we'll never actually know. We can guess, sure, but at the end of the day it's just a guess. We only have to look back to JFK to understand that we'll never really know. Pro Tip #4. Crazy people think they're sane, and sane people wonder if they're crazy. That's what happens when something looks impossible to a sane person, because it makes them question their sanity. Why doesn't anyone else see this? Why can't I make them understand? Ready? Let me take you to crazy town. February 11, 2020. Ottawa Rideau LRT station smells like 'rotten eggs'. 2,166 Cases. 1,841 Recovered. 0263 Deaths. That's roughly a 12% mortality rate. What's Causing a Foul Odor in the Town of Niagara? Mar. 9, 2020 · "It just smells rancid, it's just a horrible smell,” said Farrell. Drivers are also making a big stink about the odor. "It smells like rotten eggs to me. 783 Cases. 693 Recovered. 064 Deaths. That's roughly an 8% mortality rate. Feb. 1, 2020 · The London Fire Department got a slew of calls about nasty odours – including the rotten egg smell. 640 Cases. 569 Recovered. 057 Deaths. That's roughly a 9% mortality rate. Rotten egg smell and then the mortality rate jumps. Not quite like the flu now, is it? Words matter. Numbers matter. Your lives matter. Read the words, calculate the numbers, figure out what isn’t being said so you don't wind up dead. Pro Tip #5. “Once you eliminate the impossible, whatever remains, no matter how improbable, must be the truth.” - Sherlock Homes” Words to live by, while others die from listening to lies. I know, toxic gas, toxic dust, pandemics, war, that's enough to drive anyone into insanity, and for that, I'm sorry. But knowing is half the battle, and battles are won from knowing thy enemy. So let's go poking around a little more.
2017 • Corrosive gas that is fatal to humans in high concentrations is a non-toxic substance under Canadian environmental law, say federal researchers in a new proposal. Staff at Health Canada and Environment and Climate Change Canada came to this conclusion in a draft assessment of hydrogen sulfide, published in September. The proposal found that the gas, also known as H2S or sour gas, does not enter the environment in quantities, concentrations or conditions “that constitute or may constitute a danger in Canada to human life or health.” A coalition of scientists, lawyers, doctors and environmental advocates, however, is concerned with that interpretation. The government “has failed to adopt a science-based, precautionary approach” to assessing H2S health risks in Canada, they wrote in a captious letter sent to Environment Canada during the H2S proposal’s public commentary period last month.
And I always thought the Canadian Government was so nice, didn't you?
Hydrogen sulfide is flammable gas that is both a nuisance at low concentrations and a toxin at higher concentrations or long exposures. Possibly due to it’s fairly rapid oxidation in the atmosphere (from 1 to 42 days; ASTDR, 2016), the United States currently has no ambient air quality standards for hydrogen sulfide; it is not included as a regulated criteria or hazardous air pollutant.
Aw crap. Seriously. This stinks. Get it? Stinks? Like the smell of rotten eggs and dead bodies. Ok, I'll stop. I know regulations are in place for companies, but ambient air quality is technically much more important, and far more indicative if there's a problem. Ever since that report came out of China about the Sulfur Dioxide cloud, the data seems to have vanished from weather apps. And really, does it really matter if it was still there, in this day and age anything digital can be controlled. We have to use common sense when we read information in our New Normal. The initial unofficial official explanation claimed the cloud was caused by mass cremations. The governments squashed that rumor quick. Yet what if there was a massive outgassing? Or what if the cloud was the result of asteroid dust finally falling down into the atmosphere over China? You know, like this one. October 14, 2019. Car and street surveillance cameras caught the impressive fireball on film as it lit up the night skies in northeastern China just past the stroke of midnight, local time on October 11. 2003.
Then ESA's Ulysses spaceprobe discovered minute stardust particles leaking through the Sun's magnetic shield, into the realm of Earth and the other planets. Now, the same spaceprobe has shown that a flood of dusty particles is heading our way. What is surprising in this new Ulysses discovery is that the amount of stardust has continued to increase even after the solar activity calmed down and the magnetic field resumed its ordered shape in 2001. This weaker configuration of the magnetic shield is letting in two to three times more stardust than at the end of the 1990s. Moreover, this influx could increase by as much as ten times until the end of the current solar cycle in 2012. Back down on Earth, everyone may notice an increase in the number of sporadic meteors that fall from the sky every night. These meteors, however, will be rather faint. Astronomers still do not know whether the current stardust influx, apart from being favoured by the particular configuration of the Sun's magnetic field, is also enhanced by the thickness of the interstellar clouds into which the Solar System is moving. Currently located at the edge of what astronomers call the local interstellar cloud, our Sun is about to join our closest stellar neighbour Alpha Centauri in its cloud, which is less hot but denser.
Are the Hydrogen Sulfide gasses triggering the virus, or is the virus making increasing effects of the toxic gas. Is the toxic gas increasing the strain on our oxygen supply increasing the viruses mortality rate? Is the gas becoming worse because of our solar system's proximity to the galactic plane? Is it only because of our fraking and drilling and emissions? What came first, the chicken or the egg? Get it? If we can't answer that question, as sure as SHTF we aren’t going to answer our New Normal questions. Oh. I don't know where my heads at these days, but I better not forget about Covid-19 damaging the brain. “Public health scientists now recognize that hydrogen sulfide is a potent neurotoxin, and that chronic exposure to even low ambient levels causes irreversible damage to the brain and central nervous system." Control what you can control and deal with the unexpected when it comes. It's that simple. Have the knowledge to change what you can, the courage to accept what you can't, and the wisdom to know the difference between the two. I really don't like setting dates. Think about all the causality that has came before each and every decision you have made, now multipy that into infinity for our planet. We can't hope to establish accurate timelines for anything. And the further we try to predict, the worse our ability will become. Yet the closer we get as events coalesce and information becomes known, the prediction effort yields more fruit. So I will say it again, we appear to be heading to a second wave and a real lockdown. If I'm right, and again, I hope I'm not, don't get stuck in isolation dependent upon supply chains that may not be able to function optimally. So forget about the long term and focus on the short term. Get stocked up. Get your toilet paper before the SHTF. Stock the freezer. Buy in bulk. Just get prepared. Now. If I'm wrong, you can laugh at me later. If I'm right, you don't have to thank me later. I don't need it. Knowing that I made a difference will be all the gratitude that I'll need. I will be continuing my balancing act between the geostrategic military events and the environmental events as we move forward. But the second wave is what needs to be focused on, at least until it doesn't look likely, or until it has passed. Some of us will be behind the curve. More will get flattened by the curve. And a few will be ahead of the curve. Be a part of the few. Keep your head up and your eyes open. Talk soon.
2020.07.17 06:50 NewsPressInidaAMTD Group and GlobalLinker join forces to support Asian SMEs in their digitalization and global expansion
https://preview.redd.it/mnsub81mlcb51.png?width=300&format=png&auto=webp&s=0d234475863c6b5410aa30e235da7ef154089074 AMTD Group, AMTD Digital (collectively “AMTD”) and GlobalLinker signed a Strategic Collaboration Agreement today. The virtual signing ceremony was witnessed by Sopnendu Mohanty, Chief FinTech Officer, and Monetary Authority of Singapore (MAS). The strategic partnership aims at providing comprehensive solutions to enable and empower SMEs to help the long-term development and competitiveness of SMEs, including by contributing to the Business Sans Borders (BSB) initiative under the framework set by the MAS. AMTD has built a multi-dimensional and cross-sector SpiderNet ecosystem that is continuously expanding to connect and promote collaboration between its partners, including shareholders, clients, government bodies, and industry associations, etc. GlobalLinker, through its unique solution for global business networking for SMEs & Startups, is creating a global community of Small & Medium Enterprises and is committed to making SME businesses simpler, more profitable and enjoyable. GlobalLinker is one of the technology partners of the MAS’ BSB initiative. Together, AMTD and GlobalLinker will endeavor to add to this growing SME community and contribute to BSB’s AI-driven global solutions hub to foster SME digitalization. BSB is established by the MAS, and is a “meta-hub” or connector of several SME-centric platforms. By connecting these different platforms, BSB helps SMEs to access a much larger ecosystem of buyers, sellers, logistics service providers, financing, and digital solution providers more seamlessly. BSB utilises artificial intelligence (AI) to enable SMEs to discover prices and sales opportunities in a larger global marketplace, access various supply chains, and easily source and utilise relevant digital and financial solutions. In late 2019, MAS announced the successful completion of the BSB Phase One Proof-of- Concept (POC). GlobalLinker will officially join and become a permanent and core member of the AMTD SpiderNet ecosystem, while AMTD will join GlobalLinker’s SME network. The two parties will work together to facilitate the digitalization of SMEs in Asia, help accelerate their global expansion, with Singapore as the strategic hub to showcase the power of the partnership. Through its proprietary SpiderNet ecosystem, AMTD will connect SMEs on GlobalLinker’s platform to AMTD’s global resources and network. AMTD will become the preferred financial services partner of GlobalLinker, as well as for SMEs on GlobalLinker’s platform. AMTD will bring its ecosystem partners and subsidiaries such as but not limited to AMTD Digital, AMTD International, AMTD Risk Solutions, PolicyPal, CapBridge, FOMO Pay, Airstar Bank (one of the 8 virtual banks in Hong Kong, a joint-venture between AMTD and Xiaomi Corporation) and Singa Bank (subject to the approval of MAS for a digital wholesale bank license whereby AMTD is the lead and largest shareholder), to empower GlobalLinker and SMEs on the GlobalLinker platform. Mr. Calvin Choi, AMTDs Chairman and CEO comments, “The strategic partnership between AMTD and GlobalLinker would leverage on AMTD’s strong foundation in the Greater Bay Area and connectivity with the global markets, and further enable SMEs to connect outside of Southeast Asia. AMTD Digital and our ecosystem partners’ one-stop digital offering will help SMEs to accelerate their Digitalization, provide them with full lifecycle solutions, empower their globalization, and contribute to Business Sans Borders.” Mr. Sameer Vakil, Co-Founder and CEO ofGlobalLinker said, “At GlobalLinker, we are deeply committed to offering SMEs collective efficiencies and economies by building a global community. We have always believed in the power of partnership to build an SME ecosystem which can provide SMEs such efficiencies and economies in a more comprehensive manner. Our strategic partnership with AMTD, we will bring an entire ecosystem of like-minded companies and capabilities from AMTD & SpiderNet to GlobalLinker SMEs and likewise, will offer the best of GlobalLinker to all the SMEs within the AMTD ecosystem. This combined power will allow us both to better serve the business growth ambitions of SMEs, who are undoubtedly, the pillars of every economy.” Mr. Mohanty, extended his congratulations to AMTD and GlobalLinker. He said that BSB aims to ignite a sea change in the way SMEs around the world can easily connect digitally with each other. He welcomes AMTD and GlobalLinker’s persistent efforts to empower SMEs and look forward to see the strategic alliance to contribute to the Phase Two Pilot of BSB, starting first in Singapore, to assist SMEs in their real transactions. In Picture - Top Row left Sameer Vakil (cofounder & CEO GlobalLinker); right – Satyam Agrawal (President ASEAN & Global Head Financial Services at GlobalLinker) & Michelle Li (CEO, AMTD Digital); Middle Row left Calvin Choi (Chairman & CEO AMTD Global); right Jonathan Chen (Founder & CEO Capital Bridge Financial); Bottom Row left Sopnendu Mohanty (Chief Fintech Officer, Monetary Authority of Singapore); right Val Yap (Founder & CEO PolicyPal); AMTD has significant strategic layouts in Singapore to empower local entrepreneurs and community: Singapore is AMTD Digital’s headquarters and AMTD Group’s regional headquarters. AMTD, as a Founding partner, is committed to providing long-term support to the Singapore FinTech Festival, which is the world's largest of its kind. AMTD is the first corporate founding member of the ASEAN Financial Innovation Network (AFIN), for which our chairman Calvin Choi was invited to serve as its board member. In April 2020, AMTD partnered with AFIN to establish the S$50 million AMTD ASEAN- Solidarity Fund. In May 2020, AMTD, MAS, Singapore FinTech Association (SFA) announced the launch of a S$6 million MAS-SFA-AMTD FinTech Solidarity Grant to support Singapore-based FinTech firms amid the challenging business climate caused by the COVID-19 pandemic. AMTD is leading a consortium comprising of Xiaomi Corporation, Funding Societies and SP Group and has submitted an application for the Digital Wholesale Bank License in Singapore. To consummate its one-stop digital financial solutions to Asian SMEs and consumers, AMTD Digital has recently announced several landmark transactions in Singapore’s FinTech space through its unique “fusion-in” programme, including the acquisitions of the controlling stakes in (i) PolicyPal, Singapore’s InsurTech pioneer and first graduate of MAS’ FinTech Sandbox; (ii) CapBridge Financial, Singapore’s first regulated securities exchange for digital assets and private companies and Singapore’s leading integrated private market ecosystem platform; and (iii) FOMO Pay, the one-stop QR code and digital payment solution provider in Southeast Asia. These acquisitions reflect AMTD’s fusion-in strategy by integrating innovative companies into its unique SpiderNet ecosystem, and its ambition to continue to build out its one-stop cross-market intelligent digital financial services platform. AMTD will continue to bring its capital markets expertise and extensive connections with global new economy companies to Southeast Asia, and empower more entrepreneurs in their innovation and development, and finally interconnect with the global markets. About AMTD Group AMTD Group, parent company of AMTD Digital and AMTD International, is a leading comprehensive financial services conglomerate, with businesses in investment banking, asset management, digital financial solutions; and non-financial services areas including strategic investments, real estate and education. AMTD International (NYSE: HKIB; SGX: HKB), a subsidiary of AMTD Group, is the largest independent investment bank in Asia and one of Asia’s largest independent asset management companies, and has been a leading investor in FinTech and new economy sectors. AMTD International successfully listed on the New York Stock Exchange in 2019, representing the first Hong Kong headquartered financial institution listed on NYSE. On April 8, 2020, AMTD International completed its successful listing on SGX-ST, which marks a series of historical milestones, including:
The first company ever to be dual listed on NYSE and SGX;
The first company featuring dual-class shares (DCS) listed on SGX;
The largest financial institution headquartered in China and Hong Kong listed on SGX as measured by market capitalisation;
The first Hong Kong financial institution listed on SGX;
The largest company in terms of market capitalisation listed in Singapore year to date; and
The first company to conduct a digital listing ceremony in
AMTD Digital, the digital solutions arm of AMTD Group headquartered in Singapore, covering digital financial services, digital media marketing and data intelligence, digital connectors and ecosystem, And digital investments. AMTD Digital aims to build a one-stop, comprehensive, cross-market, and innovative digital financial services platform. About GlobalLinker GlobalLinker is an AI powered platform ‘Building a Global Community of Digitized SMEs’. It is a unique Business Networking solution dedicated to serve SMEs with the purpose to make ‘the business growth of SMEs globally, simpler, more profitable and enjoyable’. GlobalLinker has built a global community of over 300,000 SMEs from over 150 countries by Co-Branding with Financial Institutions, Corporations, Trade Associations and Governments to bring SMEs to a common platform. SMEs can access a range of solutions to build their Digital Presence (Digital Profile, e-Store, Product Catalog, Order & Inventory Management, Company Intranet, HRMS, etc.); Network & Collaborate (create new business connections and a rolodex of SME connections, using GlobalLinker’s patented technology, join relevant SME groups & events); have Up-to-Date Knowledge with curated business articles, news, discussions, events & webinars; access a range of Offers & Deals pre-negotiated for them using the ‘Collective Purchasing Power’ of SMEs on the Platform. GlobalLinker has 10 Co-Branded programs in partnership with:
Leading corporations - Mastercard, HSBC, ICICI Bank, Union Bank of Philippines, Siam Commercial Bank, Thailand; ; leading Telcom company - Vodafone Idea;
Prominent Trade Associations - Retailer’s Association of India (RAI), Bombay Industries Association and
Government Organizations - Telangana State in India and Federation of India Export Organizations (FIEO);
The over 300,000 SMEs on GlobalLinker have made more than a million business connections and are finding the benefits of being part of a single and growing business community. GlobalLinker is also one of the founding member and Technology Partner of the MAS’ Business Sans Borders (BSB) initiative.
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In any case, Because of This Game History And The Here and now Thinking, This Game Has two Names.One Is Satta Ruler And Second Is Satta Matka. It's Called Because of The Victors Title As Satta Ruler And Because of The Utilizing of Matka (Picture) In Beginning It's Called Satta Matka. At the outset, A few Slips With Numbers Were Placed In A Pitcher And afterward The Cash Will Be Wagd On A Number. By then An Individual Pull back The Slip For The Matka (Pitcher) And Inform Everyone Concerning The Triumphant Number. Along these lines, Because of The History, It Is Notable As Satta Matka. Thusly, There Are No Issues And Contrast Between The Satta Ruler And Satta Matka. These Both Are The Name of A Solitary Game. In any case, As indicated by The Area And The States, Its Calling Name Is Extraordinary. How To Dominate Satta Ruler Match? There Are No Demonstrated Method To Win A Satta Ruler game. Ruling This Match Is Simply Rely Upon your Karma. No one Know, Which Number Will be Proclaimed As Winning Number Yesterday. Also, There Are Not A Realized Method To Know, How They Pick The Triumphant Number.For more data click here. In any case, As indicated by Certain Bits of gossip, Satta Ruler Number Will is Picked By The Pursued Cash On A Specific Number. The Number Which Has The Base Pursued Sum. Thusly, Organization Has Most extreme Benefits And They Need To Pay Least Add up To The Champ. Regardless, Its Not Formally Affirmed. Regardless, Numerous People groups Have Inside Connections In The Satta Organization. The Will Approach The Organization For The Triumphant Number And Give That Number To The Players. They Will Likewise Bet Your Wager On The Triumphant Number And Furthermore Take The Assurance that They Will Without a doubt Reveal to You The Triumphant Number. Thusly, To Win A Satta Lord Game, You Need To Simply Contact With The Any Satta Number Supplier OR you Need To Do A Profound Exploration On Chronicled Result To Locate A Triumphant Number. Regardless, As I State Effectively, Winning Is Absolutely Rely Upon Your Karma. Is Satta Ruler Unlawful? Satta Ruler Is Illeage In Numerous Conditions of India. Not many out of each odd State Govt. Will Permit Their People groups To Get Took an interest In These Sort Games. Regardless, Some State Govt. Will Permit These Sort Games. Regardless, They Put An Enormous Assessment On The Triumphant Total. Mostly Haryana, Punjab, Gujarat, Delhi, And Rajasthan Govt Announced This Game As A Criminal behavior. Regardless, The Information Are Amazing, These Are The Expressed Where This Game Played At A Huge Scope. In any case, The Govt of These States Can't Stop The Players And The Coordinators. This Game Will Running Easily In These Satiates And Even Its Came to In Ghetto Zone Too. Along these lines, By and large You can Say, In spite of the fact that This Game Is A Criminal behavior Yet Its Developing Step by step In India And Some Specific States. Satta Lord Birthplace Satta Lord Began In 1960 In India And In Early Time It Began In Kolkata. Where Works And The Some Others Will Wage Their Cash On The Bombay Stock Trade Cotton Value Hole And Soon Numerous People groups Will Remembered For This Game. In Time The Strategy for This Game Was Changed, Presently In Present Time The Triumphant Number Will be Proclaimed By The PCs Yet in Past It Was Totally Rely Upon A Harsh Gauge. Soo, A few People groups Changed The Strategy for The Playing Game. They Expressed Another Game Guideline, As indicated by This, A few Slips Were Placed In A Pitcher And Each Slip Contain An Extraordinary Number. These Numbers Were Lies Between 0 To 99 And The Members Will Wage Their Sum On Their Ideal Numbers. Right when Each member Will Present Their Wager, At that point On A Pre Chosen Time, An Arbitrary Slip From Pitcher Pulled back By An Individual. The Number That Composed On That Slip Announced As The Triumphant Number. Be that as it may, Soon, This Technique Additionally Get Old And New Strategies Were Likewise Remembered For This Game. In Beginning This Game Was Sorted out By Just A Solitary Satta Organization However In Present Time Numerous Organizations Compose Satta Games In Various Pieces of India. In Beginning Just a single Fortunate Number Will be Pronounced In A Day Yet Now Its Three Time A Day. Taj, Deshawar, Gali, And Are Some Famous Satta Organization That Sort out Satta Game In All Over India And They Have A Huge Player Base. Along these lines, It's an Itemized Information On Satta Lord Game Beginning. Satta Ruler Graph – Data And Where To Discover It? Satta Lord Graph Will Contains Organized And Very much Designed Aftereffects of Satta Ruler Games. Here You Will Get Total Information of Winning Quantities of Different Satta Organizations And A Diagram As per The Time, Date, Month And Year. You Can Without much of a stretch Comprehend And Contrast Each Organization Information With Locate The Up and coming Winning Numbers As indicated by the Date, Year, And Month. This Will A Straightforward The Old History of A Satta Lord Organization Results. Layouts Can Likewise Keep The Planning And Data of A Satta Organization. Their Every day Sorted out Games And Their Day by day Winning Numbers. You Can Discover Satta Ruler Diagram On Different Site., Satta ruler First, Likewise One of Them That Will Give You the Satta master Graph. Here You Will Locate The Previous Month And Years Satta Lord Victor Numbers In An Oversaw Manner. This Site Is A Confided in Wellspring of Checking Satta Ruler Diagram 2020. If You Are A Satta Lord Player And Need More seasoned Information, At that point You Can Visit This Site. sattaking Where Can I Discovered Satta Lord Online Outcomes? SattaKingFirst.in Is A Dependable And Confided in Site To Check Satta Ruler Day by day Results On the web. Here You Will Get Information of Day by day Fortunate Numbers That Proclaimed As Winning Numbers. Here You Can Likewise Check The Consequences of Famous Satta Organizations Like Desawar, Taj, Faridabad, Ghaziabad, And Gali. At the point when These Organizations Announce Their results, We Will Refresh Them Here. This Site Is A Best Source To Get Satta Ruler Online Outcomes. To Get Quick Outcomes Just Bookmark This Site And Visit It An opportunity To Time. We, Will, Update Each Organization Results quickly. Hence, You Can Check Your Outcomes Immediately And Can Guarantee Your Cash Quick. Along these lines, On the off chance that You Are Searching For Satta Ruler Results On the web, At that point You Have No Compelling reason To Go Anyplace.
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